"Care Drain". Explaining Bias in Theorizing Women's Migration

Author(s): Speranta Dumitru / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2016

Migrant women are often stereotyped. Some scholars associate the feminization of migration with domestic work and criticize the “care drain” as a new form of imperialism that the First World imposes on the Third World. However, migrant women employed as domestic workers in Northern America and Europe represent only 2% of migrant women worldwide and cannot be seen as characterizing the “feminization of migration”. Why are migrant domestic workers overestimated? This paper explores two possible sources of bias. The first is sampling: conclusions about “care drain” are often generalized from small samples of domestic workers. The second stems from the affect heuristic: imagining children left behind by migrant mothers provokes strong feelings of injustice which trump other considerations. The paper argues that neither source of bias is unavoidable and finds evidence of gender stereotypes in the “care drain” construal.

"Francuski socijalistički eksperiment" - od željenog do mogućeg socijalizma

Author(s): Ognjen Pribicevic´ / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 02/1989

The electoral victory of French socialists and the establishment of a socialist government in France brought new hope and new expectations not only to French, but also to all European progressive and socialistically oriented forces, concerning the possibilities of more radical social and political reforms even though capitalism continues to rule beyond that country’s borders. Special interest was provoked by the ideas of French Socialists, which were also proposed in the electoral program, relating to the nationalization of the greater part of private firms and to the inclusion of members of the French Communist Party into the government. Although it fulfilled a large part of its electoral promises of 1981, the Socialist Party of France was defeated in the 1986 elections. The author points to the main reason for this failure and also indicates the main changes which have taken place in French society since the beginning of the 1980s.

"Odljev mozgova" iz Jugoslavije

Author(s): Silva Mežnaric,Ivan Grdešic / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 04/1990

Research into the emigration of highly educated labour, experts, and scientists from Yugoslavia to highly developed countries is intended to serve as an analytical basis for the creation of a policy and of means for the study and decrease of brain drain. Brain drain is a low-structured problem with a variety of causes and opposed values, to which there are no simple, fast, and final solutions. The authors present the main statistical data on the size and the dynamics of the brain drain and the basic motives and causes of this type of migration. The policy's purpose is to transform the one-direction drain into circulation of scientists and scientific information.

"Radno društvo" u jugoslavenskoj koncepciji upravljanja

Author(s): Mirjana Kasapovic / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 04/1985

The Yugoslav ideological-theoretical concept of self-management does not provide any explicit definition of labour as the new constitutive principle of the community in the manner this is done in some other theories of the so-called council tradition ; nevertheless, its place in the system is indisputably of that character. There are three fundamental ideological-political conditions, as well as non- sequences, of the adoption of the concept »work constitution of the society»: (1) a reconstitution of the concept »the people», (2) a redefinition of the concept »the people», and (3) a redefinition of the concept »the working class». This procedure is found to be meaningful from a theoretical and ideological aspect as well as from the point of view of the political system. A critical scrutiny of the concept »the work society» requires the analysis of the internal consistency of the model and of the basic logical postulates of the concept »the work society» in general.

"Realistička" teorija u nauci međunarodnih odnosa

Author(s): Radoslav Stojanovic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 03/1967

Among theories which international relations view through the strength and struggle of political powers for predominance, there have separated "realistic" theories appeared in the USA after world war II. These theories separate themselves by explanation of the utmost cause which causes that power is fundamental determinant of the behaviour of states in international relations.

"Socijalističko svjetsko tržište" i "socijalistički svjetski sistem privrede" (Shvaćanje socijalizma kao svjetskog procesa u literaturi nekih socijalističkih zemalja)

Author(s): Bogdan Cosic / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 01-02/1966

Sve je više indikacija da se kapitalističko svjetsko tržište nalazi u fazi raspadanja. Osnovni element razaranja kapitalističkog svjetskog tržišta jeste činjenica da se odnosi koji se danas na njemu uspostavi jaju više ne stvaraju isključivo na osnovu kapitala. Samim tim i svjetsko kapitalističko tržište, kao izraz procesa kapitala, gubi svoj značaj.

"Uvjerenje i ustav": Napomene o jednome ne samo hegelovskom problemu

Author(s): Ludwig Siep / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 04/1988

The central problem of Hegel’s philosophy of law is how to unite the convictions of different individuals into the common will permanently directed towards achieving the common good. Hegel finds the solution in relating convictions to social roles. This pluralism of roles is reconciled with the loyalty to the constitution through a free development of group behaviour and the institutional linkage of private, group and common interests on all the levels of social organization. It was difficult for Hegel to anticipate that the private views could be mediated through common will owing to political organizations.

"Zapadnjačko jezero" i ulazak Španjolske u NATO

Author(s): Radovan Pavic / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 04/1978

U međunarodnoj politici (i politici općenito) relevantna su samo dva sadržaja: interes i moć, tj. odnosi snaga. Ali, kako snaga nema apsolutni karakter, javlja se i niz drugih nezaobilaznih faktora — među takve valja ubrojiti naročito ekonomiku i geopolitiku.

(RE)SHAPING POLITICAL CULTURE AND PARTICIPATION THROUGH SOCIAL NETWORKS

Author(s): Marija Andreeva / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2019

The influence of social networks is growing intensely. They do not only influence only certain aspects of our lives, but they also influence political participation and political culture. In recent years, this influence has been very notable. We have seen a change of policies as a result of pressure, a lot of significant political movements started via social networks. This paper concentrates on the influence of social networks on political participation and political culture. The paper tries to foresee the future implications and the intertwining of social networks and political culture and political participation. It also gives conclusions for the past, present and future implications and it gives a comparison between political participation before and after the rise of social networks. It also analyses the positive and negative implications that social network could have on political participation.

(Zlo)upotreba pojma suverenosti u federalnim odnosima

Author(s): Slobodan Samardžic / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 03/1990

In theoretical discussions the concept of sovereignty relates exclusively to political communities and denotes the highest, indivisible and inalienable power at their disposal. In discussions in Yugoslavia the expression »economic sovereignty« extends the use of this concept into the economic sphere. Since sovereign power requires someone to sustain it, namely a sovereign, it cannot be depersonalized; the author therefore tries to establish the consequences (for the economic relations between federal units) of the fact that — in the constitutional arrangements of 1974 — sovereignty does not have a real subject to sustain it. Unable to discover a concrete subject of responsibility the author concludes that this is the consequence of deriving the concept of sovereignty from that of nation. A federal system based on relationships between nations can easily turn into an autocratic system. Only two ways of limiting the consequences of the sovereign power of a nation or of a constitutional person are historically known to exist — parliamentary government and a federal system of state government.

0 uzrocima krize zajedništva i različitim idejnim koncepcijama

Author(s): Zdravko Tomac / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 04/1982

The widely differing opinions voiced on the causes of the crisis in Yugoslav commonness are the result of different ideological tendencies. The author analyzes those views which seek the causes of the crisis in the constitutional model of Yugoslav federalism and argues against such concepts. The article points out to certain substantive deviations in the practical functioning and development of some institutions from their concept as defined in the constitution and considers them the main causes of the difficulties in realizing Yugoslav commonness. Detailed account is made of the reasons why the character of statehood of the constituent socialist republics has strengthened, why the notions of state and nation are being increasingly identified. The causes of group-property tendencies are outlined, with special reference to the problem of realisation of the constitutional concept of the federation. The conclusion is suggested that the main cause of the crisis of commonness lies in the growing tendency reduce Yugoslav federalism to relations among republic-states in the tact that almost all interests are mediated through the republican states, and in the failure to evolve in practice the constitutional model of association and linkage of different interests through self-management and without the mediation of republican states.

10 points versus 11 points? Effects of Left-right Scale Design in a Cross-national Perspective

Author(s): Cornelia Zuell,Evi Scholz / Language(s): English / Issue: 25/2016

Left-right self-placement on a unidimensional scale is a standard question in many social and political surveys to measure respondents’ ideological orientation in a minimalist way. Although the left-right scale is a standard question, the scale design is not standardized across surveys. One aspect of scale design is the offer of a midpoint. This paper is about design effects on central left-right scale placement in a cross-national context. How do respondents answer if there is no true midpoint: Do respondents who want to express a middle position, in the case of a 10-point scale, use scale middle categories as a substitute for a true midpoint? Are findings consistent across countries? Offering a midpoint is much debated among researchers and quite often, a midpoint might serve as a hidden “don’t know” or a missing attitude. Does nonresponse increase when non-attitudes cannot be expressed by choosing the neutral midpoint to hide nonresponse? If middle categories in the 10-point scale work as substitute for a true midpoint in the 11-point scale, nonresponse will not differ. We tested these questions in a split-half experiment where either a 10-point or an 11-point scale was asked in an experimental web survey fielded in six countries. Our results seem to confirm the idea that respondents who favor choosing a scale middle find a virtual center in the 10-point scale. However, results are inconsistent in cross-national perspective.

1918–2018. Europe of Transformations – Introduction

Author(s): Cristina Maria Dogot / Language(s): English / Issue: 26/2018

The period of January 1918 to January 1919 is a milestone both for the history of Europe and of the world: if in January 1918 Woodrow Wilson presented, in front of American Congress, his famous ideas about international relations system and peace, in January 1919 he negotiated and obtained their put into practice in a extended framework, that of the Paris Peace Conference; between these two important dates, the war continued and ended, with different other attempts to find solutions (negotiations between the two different sides and between the members of the alliances), however without to produce the expected alternatives for any of them. These events produced both immediate and long-term effects: establishing new principles of diplomacy and for relations between states, establishment of the League of Nations, and so of some new criteria and rules of cooperation between states.

1989: Szempontok a rendszerváltás globális politikai gazdaságtanához

Author(s): Márk Áron Éber,Ágnes Gagyi,Tamás Gerocs,Csaba Jelinek,András Pinkasz / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 21/2014

This article rethinks 1989 – the year commonly treated as a milestone of regime change. As contrary to this narrow view, and with the aim of laying out the conceptual foundations of possible future research projects, we give a short overview of the way Hungary became incorporated into the capitalist world system and of the key global, economic, and geopolitical factors that influenced its dependent development. For this we present a historically sensitive, global political economic narrative within which we pay special attention to the way public debt had been accumulated and how this, in turn, shaped Hungary’s position within the world system. After our analysis of the regime change we continue with an overview of the main structural dynamics of the last two decades. Finally, through two short case studies, we show how our perspective can throw new light on the political ideologies and economic policies of the era. The accumulation of state debt was not a Hungarian specificity: instead, we argue that it was rather a result of the global restructuring process and of its concomitant effect of decreasing national state-sovereignty. In the following manner, we also argue that the emergence of debates (which were central in evaluating the regime change, revolving around issues like „democracy” vs. „dictatorship” or „planning” vs. „market”) can be better understood within our global, historical, and political economic analytical framework. In the long run we identify two economic development strategies – namely, the strategy of liberalization and the strategy of protectionism – both structured around the, nonetheless entirely unfulfilled, hope of overcoming Hungary’s semi-peripheral position by „catching up” to its Western neighbors. These strategies then can be analyzed on the base of how they relate to global cycles of accumulation; how their shifts were influenced by changes in the world system; and, in turn, how these strategies organized both various elite projects shaped by global cyclical dynamics and the interpretations about our historically unfolding dependent position.

60 Years of Cross-border Cooperation in Europe: Reconciliation, Re-unification, Reconstruction and Rescaling

Author(s): Nico GROENENDIJK / Language(s): English / Issue: 26/2018

. Since the late 1950s, regional local and local authorities in Europe have become involved in cross-border cooperation schemes, with the European Commission and the Council of Europe as main driving actors. Especially over the last decade, cross-border cooperation, both within Europe and at its external borders, has been booming.Cross-border cooperation can be initiated for a number of reasons. Based on literature review, this paper presents a contextual model which includes four main drivers or rationales for cross-border cooperation: reconciliation, re-unification, reconstruction and re-scaling. This typology is based on two dimensions. First, we look at the extent to which cross-border cooperation is instrumental (aiming at problem solving) or normative (i.e. addressing identity issues). Secondly, cross-border cooperation different, depending on how much it questions and challenges existing borders and governance structures. This results in four contexts for cross-border cooperation.Cross-border cooperation for re-scaling involves instrumental cross-border cooperation, which is additional to the existing structures and often limited in scope. Cross-border cooperation for reconstruction is a type of cross-border cooperation, which has a broader (multi-purpose) scope, challenges existing structures and intends to replace them. Cross-border cooperation for reconciliation aims at establishing good ‘neighbourly´ relations between regions with separate identities, within existing governance structures, and is often also limited in scope. Cross-border cooperation for re-unification is politically driven, aiming at doing away with borders that divide regions with shared identities, and intending to replace them with new comprehensive structures.

A balatoni társadalom kohéziójának kérdései

Author(s): Gergely Kabai / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 04/2014

A Century of Failure: Political Science and the Issue of Governance in the Arab World

Author(s): HAMDY R. HASSAN / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2015

What has the Arab world benefited from a century worth of political study? Has it been able to utilize such studies in issues of political succession and democratization? To answer such questions, this paper explores three sets of contexts. First, since the outbreak of WWI, there has been no significant original scientific work in the Arab World. Second, the experts in the field of political science in the Arab World have failed to offer a sufficient degree of formulation or analysis that can aid in solving contemporary issues. This way, stable authoritarianism, has remained the ruling paradigm until the outbreak of Arab Spring. Third, there is a time gap between the East and the West; where the East is always a step behind Western conceptual and theoretical advancements. In addition, many Arab researchers find themselves tied to a Western agenda for research. Even with the limited effort to formulate an Arab-Islamic perspective of political science, such effort is usually directed at the study of early Islamic experiences, with little direct impact on current politics.

A Civil Law Perespective on the Supreme Court and its Functions

Author(s): Aleš Galic / Language(s): English / Issue: 81/2019

The text presents the issue of the Supreme Court’s functions from the perspective of civil law countries. The author argues that the division into cassation, revision and appeal is not an adequate point of reference enabling to define those functions. The author asserts that the most important criterion is whether the Supreme Court acts overwhelmingly in public or private interest. The assessment of that criterion should be made on the basis of the methods of selection of cases by the Supreme Court. What is essential is whether the selection is based on public aims or whether it simply aims at solving a given case accurately. It may be argued that as a result of reforms introduced in the last few years, the majorityof civil law countries have focusedon the implementation of the public rather than private functions. The author concludes that the public function of supreme courts is of a completely different significance than in the times of socialism. The public interest is combined with private interest as it refers to the situation of parties – not parties to the specific proceedings, but all parties which are going to engage in litigation in the future.

A Conceptual History of Political Regimes: Democracy, Dictatorship, and Authoritarianism

Author(s): Adam Przeworski / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2017

The labels we attach today to distinguish political regimes have histories. Applying them without understanding these histories is sometimes anachronistic and ethnocentric. I have little new to say about “democracy” and “dictatorship”, so that the discussion of these concepts is just a reminder. “Authoritarianism”, however, is a dubious neologism. I advance two claims: (1) In all regimes the power to command and be obeyed entails some dose of reason-giving, (2) What distinguishes regimes is the form and the extent to which the authority of rulers is monopolised by physical force. I conclude that the concept of “authoritarianism” adds little to the distinction between democracy and dictatorship.

A CYBERNETICS APPROACH TO THE SOVEREIGN DEBT CRISIS

Author(s): Alexandra Maria Constantin / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2015

The purpose of this paper is to approach the sovereign debt crisis from a cyberneticsperspective, as a system that includes several interrelated subsystems. We emphasize thedynamic nature and sustainability of the sovereign debt system. The paper also discusses thetransition from a sovereign debt dynamic system to a sovereign debt crisis dynamic system,transition included in the feedback control loop of the dynamic system of national economy.