![Vladimir Grinin (2019), Dualizm losu. Jak Rosja i Niemcy mają zarządzać przyszłością z korzyścią dla siebie i świata, Moskwa: West Consulting, 224 s.](/api/image/getissuecoverimage?id=picture_2020_54920.jpg)
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The aim of this article is to present the problem of Italian national identity on the example of Padania.Particular attention was paid to the context of the Venetian and Lombard referendum for greaterautonomy which took place on 22 October 2017. The analysis is aimed at verifying the researchhypothesis assuming a weakening of the sense of the Italian national identity in favor of regionalidentity. To explain the research problems a historical-comparative method was applied, whichwould allow to attempt to answer if Northern Italy, often identified with Padania, could aspire to bea new independent state. The evolution of separatist tendencies in Italy was analysed.
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The article presents the analysis of activities of politicians associated with the Labour Party undertaken in favour of leaving the European Union by the United Kingdom of Great Britain and NorthernIreland in the context of the June 2016 referendum campaign. There are presented the historicalroots of the critique of European Communities drawn from this ideological-political perspective(the opposition towards the European Economic Community in 1975 referendum), but above all theargumentation used more than four decades later by the opponents of staying in the EU. On thebasis of conducted analysis, the specific elements of the main ideological poles that shape left--wing critique of the EU with regard to the British example have been distinguished.
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Article describes Welsh authorities attempt to enhance their political position (achieved as a result of the devolution reform) as some sort of compensation for the Brexit negative impact on economicand social development of the region. The conception created by Carwyn Jones’ Government couldnot been presented as an alternative to focusing autonomous processes on gaining independence,because of Welsh people lack of interest of the latter solution. As an effect it has been completelyignored by the national authorities. Inability to implement the Scottish model of political emancipation (in the context of step-by-step exception of the European Union regional policy mechanisms inthe United Kingdom) has become a factor stimulating real re-Britisation of Wales process.
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The aim of this article is an attempt to answer the question of the impact of Aleksander Vucic politicalleadership on democracy in Serbia. In this analysis it will be used the new concept of stabilitocracywhich describes the semi-authoritarian regimes in the Western Balkans. Furthermore, in order tomeasure the state of democracy in Serbia I will analyse the Democracy Index produced by TheEconomist Intelligence Unit (EIU), Nations in Transit reports (Freedom House) and the Press FreedomIndex published by Reporters Without Borders. I will summarize the article with some conclusionsregarding the need for further research.
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The article shows the phenomenon of evolution of the Montenegro transformation subprocess interms of progress in the implementation of EU law, Montenegro stands out from the other countriesof the former Yugoslavia seeking to join the EU or Euro-Atlantic structures. Over the next ten yearswe will be able to talk about the intensified transition process, taking place in Montenegro. Six yearsfrom the beginning of accession negotiations, despite the actions taken and the implementationof new solutions, the reality shows that the inhabitants of the state still do not see any progressin its functioning. The change requires above all political will, which in the long-term will allow theimplementation of well-established reforms and ensure their lasting results. In this case, regionalcooperation will also have a great significance in Montenegro.
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At the end of the second decade of the 21st century the European Union (EU) – presentinga new strategy of enlargement policy, organising an official summit of the state leaders anddevoting to potential accessions the meeting of the Council of the EU – recalled that the futureof the Western Balkans lies in the EU. Therefore, there is a reasonable question: whether theintensification of the EU’s enlargement policy will affect favourably Bosnia and Herzegovina,a state considered as a potential candidate for the membership since 2003? Basing on (interalia) official documents issued by the EU institutions, macroeconomic data and in relation tothe EU’s policy towards the Western Balkans region, it is worthwhile to suppose, that – despitenumerous (political, economic, social) deficits and weaknesses – Bosnia and Herzegovina, which applied for membership in the EU in 2016, will receive the status of an official candidatecountry soon (in the third decade of the 21st century).
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The last two years of development of the Russian political system were characterised by theincreasing protest mood. Social discontent and various forms of political protest have becomea noticeable element of social and political life. It is symptomatic that the protest mood developsduring electoral campaigns (that predetermined the victory of the opposition in the elections ina number of regions), and also as a result of development and implementation of the currentgovernmental processes. Considering that elections have been held in the majority of Russianregions during 2017-2019, the attention to the protest movement from various political actors willincrease. The authors analyse the forms, main actors and technologies of protests, worked outtheir typology based on the case studies. The current protest mood in Russia is compared withthe situation in several EU countries (primarily in France, as well as in Portugal, Poland, Serbia andGreece). In conclusion of the article the forecasts of the socio-political situation development inthe Russian Federation will be presented.
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The aim of this essay is to promote the importance of work with passion. It describes an interesting alternative that can be taken thanks to the EU institutions. The essay also contains information about the benefits of such employment. Essay is based on the interview with the EU official
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The author proposes in this article an updated methodological framework for the assessment and comparison of various models of regional economic integration in terms of assessing their advantages, strengths, weaknesses and effects. Set of criteria has been developed for this purpose (type, form, methods, mechanism, factors, terms). The proposed methodological approach also creates a framework, which allows comparing the scale, depth and dynamics of different models of integration.
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In 2009, the European Union Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region was created in the Baltic Sea Region. This strategy is based on the concept of a macro-regional approach that was initiated in it.The theory supporting the concept is the theory of multi-level governance (MLG). The article analyses the process of implementation of this strategy and the macro-regional approach created init. The analysis is related to 2019’s 10th anniversary of the creation of the strategy and the macroregional approach, which was transformed into a concept implemented also in other macro-regionsof the European Union.
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The global economic crisis of 2007 revealed a number of weaknesses in the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). The Member States, together with the European Union institutions have madean effort to save the euro area by introducing a number of reforms for the functioning of the EMU.This article focuses on the analysis of legislative changes introduced to the euro area after 2007in the fields of fiscal, economic, banking, and financial assistance. The documents constituting theEMU legislative changes package were a subject of a detailed examination. The main researchquestions were focused on the essence of weaknesses in the functioning of the EMU and the futureof the euro area.
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The article discusses the structural weaknesses of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), keyreforms introduced after the financial crisis and the most important proposals of further EMU reformspresent in the public debate. Reforms introduced during the last decade should be deemed to havepositive results, however the EMU reform process has not yet been finished. Its successful completiondepends on an agreement between Germany and France, which is hindered by conflicting economicinterests and by different views on economic policy. The main purpose of this article is to demonstratehow public policy makers attempt to respond to the structural weakness of the Economic and Monetary Union and to identify the key factors, which impede an agreement between France and Germany
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Political security is very often considered through the prism of individual states. In the scholar literature in-depth analyses of this kind of security are rarely encountered in the context of internationalentities that these countries integrate. The purpose of this article is to draw attention to key aspectsof political security in the European Union (EU) Member States.The EU as a supranational organisation, gathering Member States first, ensures the stability of theEU as a whole, and secondly, it ensures that Member States respect common values and principles.Additionally, the EU institutions focus on ensuring the proper functioning of the Eurozone (alsocalled officially “euro area” in EU regulations). Actions that may have a negative impact on the levelof the EU’s political security include the boycott of establishing new institutions conducive to thepeaceful coexistence and development of states.These threats seem to have a significant impact on the situation in the EU in the face of the proposed (and not accepted by Member States not belonging to the Eurogroup) Eurozone reformsconcerning, inter alia, appointment of the Minister of Economy and Finance and the creation ofa new institution - the European Monetary Fund.
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With the 2019 EU–China Strategic Outlook, the EU has revalidated its dual perspective on China ascooperation partner and strategic competitor at the same time. So far, considerations of China inEU and EU Member States have primarily focused on economic questions. However, as China‘sforeign policy becomes more assertive and visible via military deployments in the EU‘s geopoliticalneighbourhood, the EU needs to confront this challenge by giving appropriate and concrete political responses in a geostrategic context as well. Based on the concept of „coopetition“, this articleprovides an analysis and subsequent recommendations on how the EU can integrate the “Chinafactor” in its Common Security and Defence Policy, while ensuring that a balance of cooperation andcompetition in EU’s China policy is retained.
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The European Union can be described as a particular hybrid integration structure that combines features of a state and intergovernmental organisation. Its institutional framework, legal system anddivision of competences are examples of a supranational organisation or a transnational decision--making system. The decision-making process is an outcome of network interactions betweenmultiple actors, whose relations are non-hierarchically ordered. Genetically modified organisms(GMO) as an example of modern biotechnology application is a highly polarising subject in the EU,as well as globally. Thus, the policy towards GMO is an exemplification of legal and political hybridityof the EU. The analysis of the EU’s legal and political hybridity will be narrowed down to the GMplants case and methodologically organised around the concept of decision-making analysis that iscomposed of five categories: decision-making situation, actors, decision-making process, decision,implementation of the decision.
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One of the most exposed value in an Age of Neoliberalism is a gender equality, which is an essentialcondition to achieve goals of economic growth, employment and social cohesion. The Baltic SeaRegion (BSR) is a non-homogeneous region. When examining the economic situation of the region,the BSR countries are traditionally divided into two groups: (1) the high-income countries Finland,Sweden, Denmark, Norway, Germany and Iceland, which are called “old market economy countries”,or “developed economies of the region”; (2) the middle- or low-income countries as Estonia, Latvia,Lithuania, Poland, and Russia. The latter are classified as post-socialist or transitional economies.The aim of the article is to analyse similarities and differences between those two groups of countries from 2006 to 2016 (ten years). The article compared gender gap using special tools as aneconomic participation, educational attainment and political empowerment.
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In this article, the problems of functioning of accumulative pension systems in the EU countriesand Ukraine are investigated. The EU countries are characterised by the presence of developedmulti-tier pension systems, which significantly vary in different parameters. The common problemfor the EU and Ukraine is depopulation, which creates crises in solidarity pension systems. It causedthe necessity of pension reforms in many European countries to implement the accumulative components. The European Commission has established unified approaches towards the assessment ofpension systems in the EU. While introducing the accumulative pension system, Ukraine intends toapply the best European experience in the pension sector.
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In this essay the Author argues that definitions in social sciences are the subject of heated discussions, and that the debates are ultimately unresolvable because the things social scientists describewith their terms are themselves constantly changing. According to the Author, quantitative methodologists call this problem “unit heterogeneity”: individual manifestations of a particular phenomenonare not identical. Contemplating about the much fuzzier world of comparative historical sociology,comparative politics, and international relations, the Author comes to the statement that countriesare in no sense comparable units. The root of the difficulty in making inter-temporal comparisons theAuthor finds in the definition of terms in social and political sciences. He argues that the meanings ofterms like “country,” “nation” and “state” are slippery and always evolving. By questioning the termsof “country”, “nation”, “state” and “empire” the Author goes through the history of their creation inorder to explain contemporary phenomena in social and political sciences. The Author also comesup with the suggestion that we, the scientists, must use more appropriate vocabulary while writingabout social and political phenomena.
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