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What has the Arab world benefited from a century worth of political study? Has it been able to utilize such studies in issues of political succession and democratization? To answer such questions, this paper explores three sets of contexts. First, since the outbreak of WWI, there has been no significant original scientific work in the Arab World. Second, the experts in the field of political science in the Arab World have failed to offer a sufficient degree of formulation or analysis that can aid in solving contemporary issues. This way, stable authoritarianism, has remained the ruling paradigm until the outbreak of Arab Spring. Third, there is a time gap between the East and the West; where the East is always a step behind Western conceptual and theoretical advancements. In addition, many Arab researchers find themselves tied to a Western agenda for research. Even with the limited effort to formulate an Arab-Islamic perspective of political science, such effort is usually directed at the study of early Islamic experiences, with little direct impact on current politics.
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This keynote speech was proffered by Gianfranco Pasquino at the opening of the VI. Congress of the Czech Political Science Association which took place in Prague, 9–11 September 2015. It covers the theoretical reflection of pluralism as a social and political phenomenon and a methodological concept in works of Tocqueville, Wright Mills, Dahl, Putnam and others. Prof. Pasquino points out several milestones in the way pluralism was used and studied in political science and ends by suggesting that distorted and shrinking pluralism opens the way to inequalities.
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The objective of the article is to draw attention of readers to the importanc eof economic thinking in order to solve various current economic problems in thedefence sector as well as to indicate how economic thinking and behaviour of thesector members, especially managers, can increase the overall effi ciency of theArmed Forces activities or the effi ciency of the defence sector activities. The authorin the article defi nes the general economic principles (3E principles) of resourcemanagement, highlights the problem of application of the effi ciency principle in thepublic sector and also in terms of the Department of Defence of the Slovak Republicand suggests some possible ways to solve some of current economic issues. In thiscontext the author of the article also points to the need to educate managers inthe economic fi eld. The article is the output of a research and development projectundertaken at the Armed Forces Academy of General M. R. Štefánik in Liptovský Mikuláš, the Slovak Republic
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The importance of Central Asia region in energy market creates certain approachof Russian Federation. It infl uences not only situation in the region but also short andlong term prospects of economic development of adjacent regions, i.e. North, Eastand South Asia, the Middle East and Europe. Russian economic policy determinesand defi nes certain forms of international cooperation, which, in turn, results in itsimportance for international political relations. The article points out the essence ofRussian Federation policy towards Central Asia and adjacent regions which consistsin conducting geo-economic activities determining geo-political activities.
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Human security stands as a favourite subject of many debates and analyses.A world wherein overall security exists is just a dream. But nothing can stop thisdream from changing into reality. That depends on political leaders, as well as oneach individual. The aim of this article is to overview some theoretical approachesto human security and to present the human development index calculated for theEuropean Union states and some main aspects of human security components inthe European Union. The goal of this analysis is two fold: to present some aspectsthat are remarkable for the human security framework in the European Union at thebeginning of the XXI century and also a modest milestone for this type of analyses.
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The very intense turmoil close to Romania’s border generates a very complex processto take adequate decisions in all aspects of our society. If these decisions are not takenproperly, many problems may arise. An important aspect is represented by the economic fi eldwhere all goods and services are marketed based on supply and demand laws. If the marketis not stable, a lot of other domains are infl uenced, such as the social one. The link betweenthe economic and social domains is represented in this respect by unemployment and lowwage work. Even in developed countries these two phenomena create big tensions which areexported to the entire world. This paper intends to emphasize the link among unemployment,low wage work and national security taking into consideration the challenges of economicglobalization, deregulation and technological change.
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The paper focuses on the issues related to the improvement of safety in the borderland,thanks to the use of EU funds for cross-border cooperation by local governments, dedicatedto solving common cross-border problems, inter alia, in the area of risk prevention andelimination of their consequences. The authors analyzed the determinants of the activitiesconducted by selected local government units in cross-border cooperation to ensure safety,including projects related to risks that could potentially occur in the borderland. Theproposals include recommendations on future directions for cooperation between localborderland governments to improve safety in these areas.
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The article deals with some aspects of security and defence sources for the armed forcesof the Slovak Republic. It compares the possibilities of several NATO states in terms of theirGross National Product (GNP) and their expenses for the armed forces. The article refersto the negative impingement of expenses reduction on the position of the SR and the Slovakarmed forces developed with its NATO and EU partners . It also focuses on the possibilities toobtain funding sources for the development of armed forces from special NATO programmes.
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The current paper highlights the possibilities of methodologically working with theconcept of hybrid warfare within an international environment characterized by highmarginal confl icts. In this context, the convergence of opponents, methods and means aswell as the fusion of capabilities have appeared within hybrid wars. These wars defy andincorporate conventional, unconventional, military and non-military capabilities, as wellas combined tactics and terrorism. Thus, the hybrid war aims at catching up with technicalor doctrine asymmetry. Defi ning hybrid war cannot be a stand-alone operation. It requiresa reconfi guration of the entire defi nition frame, primarily a reconfi guration of the sensitiveboundaries between peace and war, as they were foreshadowed by the fi rst representatives ofpolitical realism. The work brings to the fore not only the issue of reconsidering confl ictuality,but also the challenge of a broader framework for defi ning the war itself, the coordinatesbeing different from those that defi ned the classic war.
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CASS R. SUNSTEIN, Constitutional personae, New York, Oxford University Press, 2015, 192 pp. CSABA NIKOLENYI, Institutional Design and Party Government in Post-Communist Europe, New York, Oxford University Press, 2014, 256 pp. MICHAEL WEISS & HASSAN HASSAN, ISIS – Inside the Army of Terror, Regan Arts, 2015, 270 pp. LILIE CHOULIARAKI, The Ironic Spectator. Solidarity in the Age of Post-Humanitarianism, Cambridge, Polity Press, 2013, 238 pp.
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Christians in Slovakia constitute approximately 75% of the population, according to the census of 2011. The vast majority are Catholics. Despite Slovakia being labelled a ‘Christian nation,’ Slovak believers are gradually changing their religious self-identification. Based on empirical research conducted via questionnaires, content analysis and in-depth interviews in 2013, 2014 and 2015 we clarify the current trends in self-perception of the religious identity among Slovak Christians. We analyse their attitudes towards specific issues, such as homosexuality, referendum on family of 2015, and separation of the Church and State. The surprising results of the 2016 general elections, which have changed the political map of Slovakia, have also been taken into account. These attitudes are examined against the background of the relationship between conservatism and liberalism. This can be deemed as an antagonistic symbiosis rather than a fruitful dialogue.
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This article analyzes the relations between political parties and parliament, and the specific issue of the parliamentary mandate. It examines the issue of the increasing influence of political parties and how this causes the weakening of modern parliaments, and also changes the nature of the parliamentary mandate from a free to an almost imperative mandate. We focus on the specific instruments political parties have developed to establish and maintain full control over their representatives. We look into the specific experience of Montenegro and Serbia and the way these countries have changed their political system during the transition from communism. Among other factors that influence the weakening of the parliament, we focus primarily on the electoral system. The current proportional electoral system (proportional with closed lists) in both countries causes a lack of legitimacy for the members of parliament (MPs), which is why we analyze the effects of an electoral reform in order to strengthen the position of the MPs. The mechanism of the transition to a preferential proportional electoral system is analyzed, as well as the benefits and disadvantages of this kind of reform proposal.
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Mega-violent actions against individuals, communities and nations, such as genocides under different forms, leave traces that can be located at various levels of social complexity from individual to societal (including global) levels and become part of the memorization, remembering and commemorative processes. I assume that the individual and societal memories of genocide form a dynamic field that nurtures the interrogative force that opposes the denial of any genocide. The interrogative force is activated by the wide range of cognitive dissonances that emerge at all levels of social complexity between the memories about any genocide and its denial by various individual and collective actors. The study explores the interrogative force of individual and societal memories in the case of the genocide suffered by the Armenians. Individual and societal memories are approached within the wider context provided by traces (physical, archeological, human remains, written, oral and iconic records), memories, remembering and commemorative processes. The study uses findings of previous research on various records and the technique of self-inquiry that gives to the participants the possibility to generate their own questions about the Genocide suffered by the Armenians. The study suggests that the interrogative force opposes denial and it increases as more individual and collective actors from different levels of social complexity are entering into the field of inquiry due to multiple cognitive dissonances that are identified during a long-term denial of genocide.
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RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The main research goal is to determine the importance of the political power for the effectiveness and stabilization of the political system. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: Political power and the political system are categories of key importance in political science, hence it seems justifiable to start a scientific reflection on the mutual relations between the political authority and the political system to make it effective and stable. In order to meet the research question, the methods of researchers are relevant to social sciences, including the science of politics and administration. The particularly useful method was: an in-depth review of the scientific literature as well as the synthesis of conclusions. Two methods relying on text analisis and a synthesis of conclusions will be applied. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: First of all the designations of the concept of power and political power (state power) will be presented, secondly, the definition of the political system will be determined and in the third place the attention will be paid to the role that political power plays in the political system and affects its stability and effectiveness from the theoretical perspective. RESEARCH RESULTS: Political power plays a significant role in the political system. Particularly, legitimate political power can perform its constitutive function of “issuing and enforcing decisions” much more effectively. Political power (legitimated) enjoying social trust can expect an alternation with high probability. Political power understood in this way successfully influences the effectiveness of the political system making it stable. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: the topic discussed is important and not losing its importance. The conclusions from the considerations are particularly addressed to political scientists as well as politicians (decision-makers) responsible for the effective and stable functioning of the political system.
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General elections were held in the Kingdom of Sweden on the 9th of September 2018; parliamentary (riksdagsval), municipal (landstingsval), and local elections (kommunalval). Citizens and residents of Sweden elect 349 members of parliament, county representatives from 20 counties, and representatives of municipalities within those counties, depending on the population in each unit. Since these are general elections, the results do not vary much, and the results are similar at all levels of government. This paper presents the results decided at all levels, detailing the results for the parliamentary elections. The results of this election took European and international public by surprise. The Sweden Democrats have crystallized as a third political option in Sweden, repeating an outstanding result in two cycles in a row. The success of the Swedish Democrats has tarnished the image of liberal and tolerant Sweden and its image of neutrality in the world. It remains to be seen how Swedish politics will respond to future challenges.
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In the past decade, Sino-Serbian relations have been at unprecedented heights, with China becoming one of Serbia’s top trading partners and investors. At the same time, the strained relations between the EU and China, and especially between the US and China, pose a challenge for Serbia. The country is caught between its EU aspirations and orientation towards the global West on the one hand and its socialist heritage on the other. In this context, this paper employs a multifaceted approach to analyse Serbian public opinion towards China, presenting prevalent perceptions and positing underlying determinants. Employing both quantitative and qualitative methods, a nationally representative survey is studied, and the results are interpreted in the context of historical realities, contemporary economic ties, and local and geopolitical considerations. Key findings underscore the significance of economic well-being, local politics, and global power dynamics for shaping public sentiment. Furthermore, it is shown that contemporary sentiments reshape perceptions of historical periods, even for those who lived through them. This research highlights the complexity of factors steering public opinion while at the same time emphasising its malleability. Providing a nuanced portrayal of perceptions underpinning the Sino-Serbian “Iron Friendship”, this research contributes to a broader understanding of the intricate dynamics characterizing contemporary international relations.
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The phenomenon of "democratic backsliding" is becoming a topical issue in today's international relations, with recent occurrences in various regions, including Europe. This paper examines the weakening of democracy in the Russian Federation from 2012 to 2021. The study aims to determine whether democratic elements were dismantled in Russia during this period. For this purpose, the theoretical framework by Ellen Lust and David Waldner was utilized, alongside Merkel's concept of embedded democracy. Appropriate indicators were selected to reliably reveal the deterioration in the quality of democratic institutions and processes in Russia, specifically the Freedom House index, Democracy Index, and the Bertelsmann Transformation Index (BTI). By employing these three indices, the study assesses whether Russia can be classified as an anchored democracy or a defective democracy. The findings, presented in the final section of the paper, indicate significant erosion of democratic practices and institutions in Russia during the observed period. This deterioration underscores a shift from an already flawed democratic structure to one that increasingly resembles an authoritarian regime. The study concludes that Russia cannot be considered an anchored democracy; rather, it exhibits numerous characteristics of a defective democracy, marked by weakened institutions and diminished political freedoms.
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