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Although there has never been a complete domination of totalitarianism over language, their influence on social communication has been significant, due to factors such as the special nature of totalitarian ideologies (but their viral-metamorphic character); Teleological (target-oriented) vision of society's development; The promise of a bright future that will make people forget the everyday difficulties, the paternalist nature of anti-pluralist ideologies (which prepares the ground for mental manipulation); Sacrificing power by creating the cult of the ruler. The language, transformed into totalitarian discourse, has the following dominant traits: the oratory and the declamatory style; Campaign tone; triumphalism; Ideology and the attribution of symbolic meanings to political concepts; The creation of ideologies–different in meaning, to the usual meaning of words; Scientism and exaggerated abstraction, to the detriment of logic; Lofty criticism and fervor, often false; The intense use of slogans or mantras; The assertion of absolute truth.
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The subject of the article below is an analysis of cultural institutions operating in the territory of the Kingdom of Spain, with particular emphasis on those entities whose activities are dedicated to topics related to Islam and the Muslim world. These include: Casa Árabe, Fundación de Tres Culturas (The Three Cultures Foundation), Al Fanar Foundation, Centro de Cultura Islamica (Islamic Cultural Center), Casa Mediterráneo. In the course of the research, the profiles and main areas of activity of selected institutions were analyzed in order to demonstrate the differences between them. Attention was also paid to the issues of definition and the place of cultural policy issues, both in Spain and on the international arena. The development of cultural policy in Spain is presented in chronological order. It was indicated that the institutions in question had an impact on the Spanish community in order to spread knowledge about Islam and promote Arab creativity. Their function is the influence on Spanish citizens, not to create the religious identity of Muslims.
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The paper follows the development of academic activity of a German protestant theologian Jürgen Moltmann covering the period of seven decades and interprets it from the perspective of political theology that he has been creating in an explicit or more implicit way, integrating it with various and seemingly non-political issues. Such integral and cohesive shape of Moltmann’s political theology unveils a picture of committed Christian reflection involved in various areas of social and natural life. In an original way, Moltmann picks up not only the subjects typically associated with political philosophy and theology, such as human rights, freedom, dignity, equality or justice, but refers all of them to non-human part of the natural world – the world that is on the brink global catastrophe that endangers the whole human and non-human system of life on earth. It is an apocalyptic catastrophe undoubtedly caused by humans.
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The aim of the article is to show the mechanisms that led Finland to integration with the European Union. Despite finding themselves in the Soviet sphere of influence after World War II, the Finns managed to build a welfare state and fully integrated with Western Europe. Due to its geopolitical location, the Europeanization of Finland had a special course.
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In the whole concept of the communist ideology of the functioning of the totalitarian regime, the bureaucratic party nomenclature, which was appointing and dismissing persons from posi- tions in the structures of power, was of fundamental importance. In this context, the controlling dimension of katynizm shows the process of achieving the goal by using appropriately chosen methods. The consequence of such actions is organising the structure of socio-political life pursuant to especially worked out pedagogy of fear and punishment. It should be noted that the latter is generally applied in every ideology, not only the totalitarian one.
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Frequency of the interpretative frame of “COVID-19 pandemic”, and thus its impact on global and national public opinion, has increased since January 2020 to such an extent – that today it is difficult to imagine any TV news where the receiver will not hear a word about the coronavirus. The main objective of the article is to provide an analytical report of the utility of the “COVID-19 pandemic” frame with four selected principles for the imple- mentation of propaganda projects. In the first part of the study the essence of propaganda was characterized. The second and third parts of the article analyse the usefulness of the COVID-19 pandemic framework for implementing selected principles of political propaganda. The last part of the study includes a summary.
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Historical remembrance days and related celebrations are part of a culture of remembrance and are characterized by processes such as the typical use of language in speeches or songs (Huszár, Prikler, forthcoming), and possibly the inclusion of tools reflecting the historical age or nature of remembrance, such as wreaths, flags, etc. Participation in such events is also a form of socialization, especially when it takes place at school and is planned, organ- ized, and conducted by teachers together with the children. In socialist Hungary, by all means school celebrations had to symbolize the unity of the Hungarian people under the leadership of the Hungarian Socialist Party. This purpose was achieved with the use of in- dividual symbols, such as perhaps the most prominent red tie of the schoolchildren pioneers and the blue tie of the so-called “little drummers”. The celebrations followed a unified scenario, leaving little room for creativity in both the organization and the program.After the change of regime, public holidays celebrated in school also changed. Hereunder, the authors put forward a hypothesis that, following new research findings in pedagogy and child psychology, as well as the changes in subject didactics, a new process has been launched, intended to make school festivities national memorial days. Answers to the research questions concerning how exactly this celebration takes place, how children feel about the program, how educators convey the meaning of the historical event to the children, are the empirical matter of this paper. In the following, first an introduction of the historical memorial days as part of political culture will be presented, based on an empirical survey that is not representative but, according to the authors, attempts to demonstrate the change celebrations of national daysunderwent during the past decades. The research was conducted in the primary school age group, and the students’ knowledge and awareness of the historical background of a givencelebration were scrutinized. Finally, the authors propose to initiate more experiential learning opportunities related to school memorial days.
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This article focuses on the activities of the Italian social movement known as “Sardines”. The founders of the movement protest against the populists which have been increasingly present in Italian politics since the beginning of the 21st century. “Sardines” manifest their indignation principally through the demonstrations in the streets of Italian cities. They gather to suport free-from-verbal-violence public discourse and politics. “Sardines” activities are based on the idea of networking. On the one hand, it is an informal organization, acting without clear parti- tion and pronounced program, and on the other hand, based on Internet communication, which help to expand its influence. In this article, “Sardines” are compared with other similar and comparable social movements in Italy. This kind of activity shows that Italian politics requires changes in terms of social communication and methods of operation. Therefore, looking at the genesis of the “Sardines”, following thesis can be proposed: a movement that is all about social objection to the arbitrary politics may have a real impact on reformulating public discourse.
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Berendt reads Joanna Rajkowska’s work, specifically her interventions in public spaces, in the context of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s theory of radical democracy and their key concepts of antagonism and hegemony. She reflects on whether the category of weakness as applied to Rajkowska’s art is an adequate definition of her artistic strategies. The discussion of the projects Minaret (2009-11), Oxygenator (2007) and Trafostacja (2016) is accompanied by a reflection on the artist’s hegemonic power while acting in public space and the social effects of her artistic projects.
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The traditional model of harmony and interfaith tolerance that had existed in Kosovo and the countries of the region for centuries has come more and more under attack in recent times. Unfortunately, recently, the traditional model of religious harmony and tolerance that has been cultivated for centuries in Kosovo has begun to be attacked. After the war in Kosovo, started the uncontrolled arrival of some "humanitarian" organizations in the region and the departure of dozens of Kosovar youths for religious education began in some Islamic Middle East centers. Some people and asociation from the Near East, came as "missionaries" began their subversive activity in promoting Islamist extremism and spreading a radical ideology in all inhabited areas with Muslim populations in the Balkans. The risks of terrorist attacks by Islamist extremists in Kosovo and the countries of the EU still seem to be limited. However, if the political and social crisis escalates in Kosovo and the conflict in the Middle East is exacerbated, which could also lead to a polarization of the public’s attitudes toward Islam, the danger of terrorist attacks by Islamist extremist can’t be ruled out any more in both to Kosovo and the EU countries.
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Since the war of 1999, the city of Mitrovica in Kosovo is divided into two parts, consequently causing demographic changes. This had imposed the administrative division of the city which through the Ahtisaari Plan formed South Mitrovica with Albanian majority and North Mitrovica with Serb majority. Despite the fact that Mitrovica after the war has always been seen as an Albanian-Serbian dispute, the reality is that in both municipalities are present other communities that participate in the public life of the city. So far, the administrative border line between the two municipalities has not been marked, which is hostage to some disputes for some Albanian villages that are geographically located on the northern side of the Ibar River, but which also belong to the south with the Ahtisaari Plan. This is also manifested in their electoral participation. The method used in the paper is the empirical method, conducting a survey with 100 respondents (50 in South Mitrovica and 50 in the North) with community members with the random method on their knowledge of the participation of the respective communities in municipal institutions. Among the paper I am focusing mainly in the outcomes of the survey which I realized because the aim of this paper is to pave the way for further studies for whom which will be interested in this topic in the future. The importance of the paper consists in the fact that despite the trumpeting of municipal officials on the participation of communities in municipal bodies and concern with their situation, such field research presents the reality of different communities, challenges in participation and decisionmaking.
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The paper deals with the interaction of two processes in the European politics: the expansion of the radical right and the outburst of the COVID-19 pandemic. The influential interpretation that the first stage of the coronacrisishas registered the radical right’s failure to use the pandemic politically, is being examined. The text tries to demonstrate that the radical right’s inconsistency and ineffectiveness are genuine, but they do not thwart the classical agenda of ultranationalism, antiliberalism, populism and traditionalism and their reaffirmation in these new conditions. Moreover, the governmental responses to the pandemic in Europe encourage the radical right’s penetration in a new paradoxical field, the defence of democracy. It is concluded that the first months of 2020 have not eroded the ideological potential of this part of the political spectrum and consequently have not destroyed its chances for political rise without predetermining them.
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The crisis in 2020, as any crisis, brought many problems but also created opportunities in various areas of human life. In the field of politics, the crisis provided different opportunities for oppositional political actors in Bulgaria to be an alternative to the government, which is incapable of dealing with the biggest social problems, multiplied by the crisis. Chances, however, must be “caught”. If the opposition is not able to make the right decisions in the context of contemporary events, it will lose that political game undoubtedly. Even if, the opposition has all the necessary qualities and the necessary circumstances are there, the essence is contained in the right and prompt decisions.
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This article traces the emergence and development of another major political crisis in the Republic of Northern Macedonia, as well as the options for overcoming it as a result of the parliamentary elections and the process offorming a new government. This is a continuous cycle, referred as “stability in instability”. Overcoming the crisis will not be enough, but rather will lead to another situation of “stability in instability”. Moreover, the pandemic caused by COVID–19 prolongs the crisis but does not play a fundamental role regarding the (in)stability of the political system in our southwestern neighbour.
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In this article we reveal how the economic intelligence system fits into the matrix of the national intelligence system. At the beginning of this research we will identify the key areas from which is collected the necessary information when drafting the state macro-strategy, indicating which areas are likely to provide information that can be also analysed in an economic perspective. Further, based on these key areas, we will analyse the weighting of economic intelligence in the state intelligence matrix. Then, we will analyse how the economic intelligence system is embedded in the national intelligence ecosystem and, using the intelligence cycle as a reference, we will describe the intelligence process in terms of its economic dimension
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The article is dedicated to the local self-government in Greece and Turkey, with a brief comparative analysis made of the situation to date. The process of decentralization in both countries and the degree of implementation were followed-up, and whether the principle of subsidiarity is observed. In the modern state, strong and functional local self- government, with its inherent characteristics, reveals the democratic face of the political system and the constitutional structure and is an indicator of modern development and a strong civil society. Among the aspects considered are: analysis of local self-government reforms in Greece and Turkey; assessment of decentralization using a comparative analysis of the process in both countries from the perspective of the local self-government; democracy. The conclusions outline the positive aspects of the changes taking place over the last 20 years and the difficulties in implementing decentralization.
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The migration phenomenon has been present since ancient times in Europe, in recent times, migration to Europe has increased and discussions at a high level have started to become tense. The discussions were hold not only in the scientific or political field but also in the media field. Some of the leaders in European Union states sought to use the issue of migration to stoke fear and increase their support at the poll. It seems that the simple truth was forgotten – the central point of the discussion should be the human being values such as human dignity, life, security or freedom. Migration is an integral part of the globalization process and world leaders need to face an uneasy task – to ensure that migrations are carried with full respect for human rights. It must be guaranteed that fundamental rights are fully respected and protected at national borders.
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This scientific paper is devoted to developing ways and models of converting the labour migrants cost into the internal investment resources of United Territorial Communities, taking into account their new functions and powers. The article analyses current data on the main aspects of Ukraine's international labour migration, namely: the number of migrants, their main employment areas, the largest recipient countries of labour migrants and donor regions, the amount of remittances and savings of migrants. Considering the results of the research on the amount of cash flows, the availability of savings and the desire of many migrant workers to return to Ukraine, it can be argued that they have a huge potential to become one of the largest domestic investors of the United Territorial Communities. Therefore, migrants have resources, and UTCs have considerable authority to attract these resources. The authors present a scheme for forming an investment cluster of united territorial communities, the basis of which is the process of interaction between community leadership, academics and experts of higher education institutions, administrative services centres and migrant workers as potential domestic investors. The implementation and effective functioning of this model will create incentives for migrants to return and benefit from productive usage of their resources, as they will be able to earn enough income to keep families and create jobs for other residents.
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The work has two goals. On the one hand, it aims to present the impact that the development of a Regional Innovation System in the regions of the EU's eastern border can have on the development of strong cross-border communities. On the other hand, given that universities play an important role in building a Regional Innovation System, we aim to see through a selective analysis how universities in four cross-border regions on the EU's Eastern border contribute to this construction and implicitly to the development of cross-border communities. We selected for analysis the Karelia regions, the regions served by the Poland-Belarus-Ukraine, Hungary-Slovakia-Romania-Ukraine, and Romania-Ukraine-Moldova programs
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