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Kateryna Handziuk spoke out on corruption and the influence of pro-Russian forces in Kherson, near Crimea
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Kateryna Handziuk spoke out on corruption and the influence of pro-Russian forces in Kherson, near Crimea
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Districts of the city of Krakow, in addition to decision-making powers related to the implementation of the statutory tasks, have the ability to give opinions and come up with proposals on important issues affecting local communities they represent. Districts are trying to influence the shape of both the urban and commercial investments and impact the city’s policy on spa-tial planning. Municipality support units in their activities support the demands of residents and often participate in social protest movements. The most glaring example of the promotion of social protest movements by the auxiliary units of the municipality is the attitude of districts authorities to protests of residents known as NIMBY (Not In My Back Yard), i.e. the social protest of people who express their opposition to certain investments made in their immediate neighborhood, although they do not deny that they are needed at all.
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The article goal is to reveal the necessity of strategies in order to increase the responsibility level of local public administrations and to settle the obligation imposed to the administrative and territorial units to launch public debate topics needed for the regional development, in which the civil society should also participat. The credo of our debates is that the state is equally fundamented on the protection of the personal rights and liberties, no matter to whom it refers to. In art.1 point 3 from the Romanian constitution there is instituted as a constitutional principle the fact that „Romania is a democratic and social state, where the dignity of the man, the rights and the liberties of the citizens, the free development of the human personality, the justice and the political pluralism represent supreme values, in the spirit of the democratic traditions of the Romanian people and the ideals of the Revolution from December 1989 and all these are guaranteed”.
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The uprisings of the Arab Spring had a major impact not only on the countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) and Gulf Cooperation Council Countries but also on the entire world. Analysts in various fields are still debating on the causes that led to such historical events, and also on the effects on short and long term that these revolutions have, or might have. One thing is certain for all: the Arab world entered a new stage in its development. This paper aims to analyse the Arab Spring from as many points of view as possible, looking to indicators that traditionally define a country’s health and well-being, including political and socio-economic markers, various economic crises, the rise of Islamist parties, increases in sectarianism, and other challenges.
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The approach to political action from an ethical perspective supposes, besides defining and classifying the terms, the analysis of the action of the person politically involved, of political groups' behaviour, and also of the processes that refer to the elaboration of political strategies or to the implementation of the political parties programs etc. Political action also refers to the legislative activity, the elaboration of public policies and it implicitly includes their entire ethical jurisdiction, which is linked to the values that are the foundation of political man's action. Political action is related to the aim as well, the perspective of duty and the understanding of this perspective by political man. Political action is based or should be based on values, at least theoretically, on an ethical and moral dimension and on knowledge, education, good faith, experience etc. But between theoretical regulation and the implementation of theory at political level, there are significant differences, caused by a number of factors: the people from politics insufficiently prepared theoretically and practically for political activity, the lack of respect for valuable criteria to get into political hierarchies, the lack of honesty, of willingness, manipulation (which often damages political action), the influence of interest groups, corruption etc. This study presents the theoretical perspective on the ethics of political action at two levels: philosophical and political.
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The main focus of the paper is the protest against the construction of the Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL) near Standing Rock Indian Reservation in North Dakota in 2016. The strategies employed by the opponents and supporters of the project are analyzed in the wider context of the relations between the US federal government and Native American nations. Counter-terrorism rhetoric, methods, and measures used in the process of pacification of that fundamentally peaceful protest is not only an example of how the US government deals with its citizens’ resistance but also sheds more light on the current, unfavorable situation and status of Native Americans in contemporary America.
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This paper aims to exemplifying the implications of governments on supporting sustainable development, emphasizing the correlation between government action and sustainable development, and also, the importance of interdependence between the aforementioned terms. In fact, by achieving the goal of sustainable development, we talk about economic growth and environmental protection, all having direct implications on the community. Through this analysis, by exemplifying government actions towards research development and innovation and promoting a tax system that meets the requirements of sustainable development, we want to build a research for community that emphasize the importance of good collaboration in the binomial: government, civil society . The results will suggest that the support of governments, investment in innovation, research and development, strengthen public finances, recreate circumstances for development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations. For our analysis, we retrieved data from the Eurostat for the period between 2008 and 2014, including the EU 28 member states.
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Considering the indisputable cultural vocation of the Italian context and, in general, given the prominence of the cultural aspect as a factor of influence on many other elements that interact with human actions, this paper considers a fourth pillar joining the three traditional sustainability dimensions (environment, economic, social): cultural sustainability. Local governments have a specific role in implementing sustainability (as highlighted in the Local Agenda 21) and the expense represents an important financial indicator to understand public commitment to sustainability. These elements (the financial role of local government and cultural sustainability) are the starting point for this paper that analyzes the financial commitment of Italian local governments in the cultural sector. The models used shows that cultural expenses are related to the average income of the residents, while they are not related to the cultural heritage of the municipality territory. The empirical results allow the Author to draw some conclusions and to identify some aspects that form the basis for further research.
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Democracy is beneficial to people provided the democratic rule is adopted while democracy cannot be achieved unless there are periodic elections. Elections, though, considered as pre-requite for good governance, however, mere elections without ensuring credibility is also tantamount to despotism. An election cannot be judged as credible, free and fair unless the following agents of democracy - security, media and civil society organizations – perform their constitutional roles. This paper focuses on the evaluation and dynamics of role of security, media and civil society organization in Nigerian democracy. It explores the pertinent roles of the security, media and civil society organizations to the conduct of credible elections which in turn may beget true democracy. The existing literatures have drawn the linkage between security democracy and elections. However, this paper does not only argues that security men, press men and civil society organizations have not done well in the conduct of elections in Nigeria but also highlights some other core issues that have dominated the discourse and explores the challenges on democratization process in Nigeria. Finally, a recommendation is made that all stakeholders should be honest and moral in discharging their duties.
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Eine Bildungspartnerschaft die als Basis für die Übereinstimmung zwischen allen Kategorien die an einer Bildungsentwicklung interessiert sind, dient und deren Ausübung, Auswirkungen auf das ganze soziale System hat, kann der Schlüssel zum Erfolg werden und kann zur Lösung aller wichtigen Probleme, mit denen sich das rumänische Bildungssystem auseinandersetzt, führen. Die Bildungspartnerschaft besteht aus den Vertretern verschiedener Kategorien und Institutionen einer Gemeindschaft und setzt Kohäsion und Effizienz bei der Eignung und Förderung der gemeinsamen Werte aller beteiligten Partner voraus, während die Schule die Rolle des Förderers, Katalysators und Vermittlers dieser schulischen Partnerschaft, übernimmt.
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The changes in human civilization have never been faster and more turbulent. An immense increase of scientific facts have been doubled each year in some areas. In the changing world school can not remain the same. Better quality of teaching is not possible without the constant teaching innovations. It is not possible to have an insight into the quality of didactic innovations application without evaluation. The main function of evaluation is to improve the teaching process. This example shows how to improve teaching by innovations.
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The purpose of this essay is to remind of the existence of Yugoslavian political myths and its heroes, thanks to whom the European south for the first years after the World War II exists as a specific cultural surrounding, and for this reason represents to many an interesting exploration territory. The essay closes with an observation about the evolution of the socialist feminist movement, which was preceded by a frequent substitution of the desirable types of women, which was also covered in veil of political myths. This way, we have put the ending of an era of mythical narratives in a time of the dying out of the so called female question politics, and by doing so we have pointed out their correlation and collaboration on the path of transition that the Yugoslavia of its time was walking on.
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The purpose of the article is to present a (chronological) overview of denomination, renaming or abolishing streets and squares, setting up and tearing down monuments, naming and renaming primary schools, etc. of Yugoslav connotation in Ljubljana from 1918 onwards. This kind of establishing of collective memory in Slovenia is most evident in political fractures, such as: fracturing from the Austro-Hungarian monarchy and entering the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, when it was necessary to redeϐine the collective memory and clean up the old. This is most evident in renaming streets and institutions or tearing down and putting up new monuments. Or furthermore, the more striking marking of space: the post-war regime in the time of the “second” Yugoslavia. The process was also present during the period of occupation of Slovenia between 1941 and 1945; and during the post-independence Slovenia after the year 1991.
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This paper, based on the study of information on clay tablets, examines land-tenure relations at the Mycenaean palace of Pylos in comparison with the situation in the Near East countries in the late Bronze Age. Special attention is paid to the question of how the palace administered the landholding in some regions, and investigates what obligations the landholders had in return. The paper contains eight sections: 1. Among the Linear B documents from the Mycenaean archives, especially from those at Pylos, there are tablets classified in E series regarding landholding. Their content is of great importance for investigations of the economic life and the social system in Mycenaean times. They record very complicated interrelations which penetrated all spheres of the Mycenaean society. The most privileged personages (wanax, läwägetäs) are mentioned as holders of land as well as some palace and temple functionaries, people of different trades and professions (cowherd, shepherd, swineherd, charioteer, potter, fuller, etc.), and even slaves of some functionaries who used a part of the possessions of larger landholders. It is significant that in the documents of a fiscal character, some specialized craftsmen, e. g. bronze-smiths, are levied with impost in some agricultural products (flax), which they had to produce. The syntax, abundantly represented in these texts, is quite clear. One and the same thought is expressed here in several different ways (especially in Py Ea set). Along with short phrases long sentences (even with ACI constructions) appear in Eb/Ep tablets. The majority of the vocabulary words is also known from the classical and later Greek. In spite of all that, the interpretation of these texts encounters great difficulties because of the numerous technical terms, the meaning of which alters with the changes of the social organization. Even words which have been in use until the present day, e. g. da-mo dâmos, represent a great problem, because in Mycenaean times they had a special meaning. These texts, both partially and as a comprehensive whole, have often been carefully examined. However, there are questions still unsolved. After a survey of the PY E series, especially the Eo/En, En/Ep, Ed and Ea tablets, which represent a kind of cadastral list, the main technical terms used in these documents are reexamined and possible conclusions are derived about the organization of the economic life in the Mycenaean society. 2. The most complete documents about land ownership and land use are related to the district of Pa-ki-ja-ne, where the shrine of Potnija was located, as we can see from PY Tn 316. That is the reason why so many priestesses and theoio doelai are recorded in these texts. The surface of the land in Mycenaean times was measured by the quantity of seed required for sowing. That practice is in use up to the present day in the Near East, Mediterranean and Balkan countries, a„ well as in some places in our country. At the end of every line of the Pylos cadastral list the quantity of seed is indicated by the phrase to-so, pe-mol-ma; the ideogram *120 which very likely represents a monogram of si + to (si-to), a word probably from the pre-Greek supstrate; and then, by parts of the basic unit for dry measure, and the numerical signs of the decimal system. The other interpretations of the phrase to-so, pe-mol-ma (taxes, fénpo, seed from the palace granaries, etc.) are rejected as unsound. Counting the quantities of seed mentioned on the PY E tablets and presumed in the missing ones, one can conclude that about 400—500 hectares of land could be sown with it. Obviously' the entire cultivated land of the Pylos kingdom is not recorded, but only a small part, probably the land that belonged to the palace and the shrine in Pa-ki-ja-ne. In contemporary Messenia, 170.000 out of a total of 250.000 inhabitants cultivate 160.000 hectares of land, which is approximately a ratio of one rural inhabitant to one hectare. If we admit that in the Mycenaean Pylos kingdom there lived about 50.000 people, then we can conclude that the PY E series contains evidence only for about 10% of the arable land. 3. The land of the Pakijanija cadastral list is divided into two categories: a. Eo/En tablets record ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na ktoinai ktimenai, possessed by individual holders, called te-re-ta tclestai, and understood from the very beginning as ‘private land’; b. Eb/Ep tablets register keke- me-iia ko-to-na, held by da-mo dâmos, supposed to mean approximately ‘communal’. The Ed set contains a recapitulation of both kinds of land. Regarding the etymology of ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na there is a communis opinio that both words are from the same stem of the athematic verb *kteimi, from which the 3m person plur. of ind. pres, ki-ti-je-si ktiensi is documented, and in classical Greek the trans, verb ‘build, establish’ is derived. However, among the Mycenaeologists there is no argeement about the exact meaning of the medio-pass. pres, participle ki-ti-me-na. Taking into consideration several different suggestions it seems that the meaning ‘settled, inhabited’ is the most probable. It can be supported by other derivatives from the same stem: ki-ti-ta ktitai ‘inhabitants’, cf. Horn. ‘neighbours’, me-ta-ki-ti-ta ‘immigrants’, Horn, pexavdoxai, péxoïxoï. The original meaning of the Homeric epithet ‘a place with many ktitai’ was almost forgotten, but in IL 2.712 it was still kept. Its meaning ‘well built’ is of a later development. The adjective a-ki-ti-to with a-privativum, which was also disputed, denotes ‘land, without ktitai’ rather than ‘non cultivated’. In PY Na 926 we read that at Pa-ka-a-ka-ri (a place name) there was land a-ki-ti-to, but A^ku-mi-ni-jo (a personal name) holds it, and the place was levied with an impost of flax, which means that the land was cultivated. The meaning of a-ki-ti-to becomes clearer if it is investigated from a larger contextual aspect. It is well known that the tablets are from the year proceeding the disaster of the palace. In the tablets other than the E series, there is evidence that some ktitai were engaged in carrying out military service for the kingdom: some of them, e. g. ke-ki-de, were watchers at several coastral places, others were obliged (o-pe-ro-ta ophehmtajs) to row (e-re-e helehen). J. Chadwick, who previously thought that nothing indicates whether any of the obligations imposed on the occupiers of land include military service (Docs2 444), has now discovered the muster of the Pylian fleet (Traetata Mycenaea in press) by ktitai and metaktitai from some coastral places. That is the reason why some places are a-ki-ti-to, i. e. without ktitai. It is noticeable that in Ugarit in the second half of the II millennium there was a similar custom of impost levy on some villages to supply people for naval and land military service, as M. Heltzer pointed out (The Rural Community in Ancient Ugarit, 1976). The etymology of the perf. participle ke-ke-me-na is more problematic. There are several different interpretations of this term (cf. A. Heubeck, ŽA 17, 1967, 17ss.). The connection with *kikhëmi ‘abandon’, Skt. jahâmi ‘leave’, Gr. -/yjga ‘widow’ (Calderone, Ruijgh, etc.) is the most satisfactory one from the Linear B orthographic point of view, kekhemena ‘abandoned’, but the identification with ‘fallow’ is to be modified. According to the author’s opinion ke-ke-me-na denotes land usually left, unploughed for longer than one summer in order to rest and improve its quality. In the mountainous Balkan countries there is such a practice, and in the Slavonic languages there is a special term for such a land — prelog —, different from fallow. While the fallow is ploughed and usually sown in the autumn, prelog is left uncultivated for one or more years. A fallow left for more than one year is called „barren fallow” or prelog. 4. The participle ke-ke-me-na is closely related to the agricultural term ka-tna, which alternates with ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na. Etymologically the word is connected with xdpvto ‘toil, win by toil’, xdftaroç ‘trouble’, which corresponds well with work on such kind of land, especially when it is tilled with primitive means of production. In the Slavonic languages there is a semantic support for this explanation of ka-rna. Old Russian stradati, a semantic equivalent of xà/tvto, among the others is used for agricultural work: stradomaja zemlja = arable land. The gender of ka-ma has long been disputed. The Hesychian gloss xdpav xov âyoàv gives us reason to expect a feminine noun. However, the phrase aio-ro-ki-jo-ne-jo (not -ne-ja) ka-ma is a contradiction to the feminine gender. Ka-ma is very likely a neuter stem kamas. [...] The I.-E. etymology of damartes is dubious. The alternation of the stem vowel oju (da-majdu-ma) makes its connection with I.-E. *dom doubtful. It is very likely of pre-Greek origin. The words for masters are often borrowed from other languages. The holder of the ke-ke-me-na land was dämos, a board of a number of important ktoinookhoi. Their role was probably intermediary between the palace and the population in the villages. Very likely they had to organize military service and other activities connected with landholding just as it was in the Near East countries of the II millennium B. C. Analysing the Mycenaean landholding texts in comparison with similar ones from the Near East, one can conclude that the power of the Mycenaean palaces was relied upon landholders: telestai of ki-ti-me-na land, who send their ktitai for some services, and damos — of ke-ke-me-na land, who organized kamaëwes for such purposes, as one can conclude from An 724. 6 . Section six investigates different kinds of land use from the juridical point of view: o-na-to onâton, e-to-ni-jo etonion ‘truly’ + o-ni-jo ,a well known term from post-Mycenaean times (with some semantic differences). While the users of the first possession — onätcres — were obliged to do some service for the palace in return for onäton, the two others were privileged holdings. 7. The analysis of the E tablets shows that this text is related to a region near Pylos and Pakijane, because people of different trades and professions associated with the palace and the temple are mentioned here as holders of land. They were engaged in some service for the palace and temple functionaries,, e. g. charioteer and swineherd of the läzvägetäs, as well as king’s potter, fuller, etc. in Eo/En tablets. This spontaneously raises a question about the relation of different economic and social activities to the landholding and land use. It is remarkable that among the numerous qualifications of people according to their professions, the name for farmer does not appear in the tablets. Only the personal name of a shepherd from Crete A-ko-ro-qo-ro Agroquolos, which can be identified with Lat. Agricola, points out that the appelative agroquolos, also existed, but in the tablets known so far it does not occur. Certain personal names display some specialized branches of agriculture, e. g. A-pe-ri-ta-wo ‘viticulturist’, Pu-te perhaps Phutêr ‘planter’. However, a common name for a farmer is absent. According to the author’s opinion the reason for that is the fact that nearly everybody was associated in some way with land possession and land use, so that there was no need for using such a term. The statement that in Mycenaean times craftsmanship was absolutely separated from agriculture (cf. VDI 1, 1961, 33) is revised here. Although the specialization of labour was highly developed in Mycenaean Greece, the craftsmen owned land and had to cultivate it. That is the reason why so many khalkêwes (nearly 400), mentioned in the Pylos kingdom, had to produce only small quantity of finished bronze goods. Obviously they were not engaged full time at their trade. 8 . At the end the following two main conclusions can be derived: a. There is no doubt that in the ethnic and linguistic development there is a continuity between Mycenaean and Homeric Greece, but in the social organization there is a break. The Mycenaean society collapsed forever, and together with it the technical terms of that organization disapeared, because they were used no longer. The Homeric poems describe this epoch in an idealized form, but it does not correspond to the historical situation of a bureaucratic and centralized state. However in Homer there are examples of how wanax can give land to somebodv (cf. Od. 7. 31 lss.). b. The Mycenaean bureaucratic state was not the result of a natural development, but it was organized by imitating the Minoan model. Looking for the origin of the principles on which the Minoan and Mycenaean societies were organized, the author finds the pattern in the Near Eastern contemporary countries (of the II mill. B. C.), where the dominant system was an autocratic power and centralized state administration with the palace and the temple in the centre. They were, in fact, the main land-owners and distributed land to the citizens for some services. Besides, numerous documents from the Near East contain information about private possessors of land. On the Mycenaean tablets two centres, palace and temple, are well differentiated. But there is not a separate temple administration. As the tablets related to the Pakijane temple are found in the palace of Pylos, it is natural to conclude that the palace controlled the sanctuary. In the tablets there is no direct evidence that along with these two centres a private sector of landholders existed as in the Near East. However, there are indirect indications that in the Mycenaean society there were also private landholders, just as some people owned their own cattle along with the herds that belonged to the palaces; but this will be the subject of another study.
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During the summer and the autumn of 1991 there was a Peace Movement of the Požega Valley active in the area of the former Slavonska Požega County. The objective of the Peace Movement was suppression of conflicts between the Croats and the Serbs and imposition of dialogue as the main method of resolving the international tension that escalated in Slavonska Požega County in 1991. Besides, members of the Movement tried to develop the principles of democracy in the critical moments of the collapse of Yugoslavia and the break-up of socialism. The Peace Movement of the Požega Valley was gathered around the Initial Board (Founding Board) and other protagonists and associates. Members of the Initial Board (Founding Board) of the Peace Movement of the Požega Valley encouraged and organized all activities dealing with accomplishment of the fundamental objectives of the Movement and in doing so managed to gather a couple of thousand citizens. Anti-war gatherings were organized as well as a march from the Saint Trinity Square to the military quarters of Yugoslavia National Army in Slavonska Požega with messages of peace. Members of the Peace Movement made a poster, a postcard, and a flyer and thus tried to persuade more citizens to join their initiative. This paper gives insight into mostly unknown information (data) about the Movement and analyzes the most important aspects of its activities.
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There is a tendency in the contemporary world to an increased number of civil (intra-state) wars, while the inter-state military conflicts are the exception not the rule. Most of these civil wars occure in weak or failed states and they are more likely if the states have poor governance, mass poverty, lootable resources, a population heavily divided according to ethno-religious lines and with a montainous/desert relief. Since 2011, the Arab Spring phenomenon produced huge turbulences in the Middle East and North Africa Region, in some cases even civil wars and the emmergence of strong transnational illegal actors like the Islamic State in Iraq and Levant (Daesh). Sirya, Libya and Yemen are the MENA countries thorned by domestic bllody wars with a strong external intervention which prolonges the war. In fact Iran, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey are waging proxy wars, with Russian and US interventions aiming at supporting some local players, eliminate dangerous terrorist groups and sometimes to give humanitarian assistance to the affected populations. The West (EU and NATO states) must be more active and more creative in dealing with such conflicts, otherwise an increased number of immigrants, more humanitarian dramas and terrorist attacks in Europe could be the nefarious effect of strategic passivity.
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The aim of this study is to estimate Anavatan Party founded in the re-transitional period to democracy after military coup of the 12th September in the framework of theories of emergency, party typologies and institutionalization criteria. The questions on which the foundation of ANAP can be clarified in the context of theories of emergency, how this can be evaluated in terms of party typologies and how they can be explained in the context of institutionalization criteria were focused in the study. For the first of all the historical appearance of the party (the instituting process, founding staff, basic values, ideology, the breaking moments from the historical viewpoint) was examined in the study. It came to conclusion that ANAP had been a party emerged in framework of Crisis Theory; Legitimacy Crisis, Theories of Participation Crisis within the context of theories of emergency and finally out of Parliament pursuant to Institutive Theory; In the context of Party Typologies, a result was accomplished that ANAP had peculiarity of a Mass party but had the characteristics of the Catch All Party. It was concluded that complexity and autonomy were strong but the aspects of adaptivity and coherence were weak within the framework of institutionalization criteria.
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The aim of this study is to reveal the perspectives of both the Constitution and the referendum on the November 7, 1982 Constitution and some journalists who have been columnists in the September 12, 2012 Referendum process. In this general framework, it is aimed to reveal the similarities and differences in the perspectives of the journalists in the Constitution and referendum process. Within the scope of there search, the views of the authors who have been a columnist in various news papers and witnessed the 1982 and 2010 referendum processes were examined. To write a column in newspapers, at the same time, the opinion of the community about the events. In this sense, columnist is also one of the opinion leaders in the society. Consistency in the opinions and opinions of columnists is important according to the expectations of the society.The differences in their opinions and thoughts according to the terms and conditions indicate the inconsistency in the views of the columnists. However, it is natural that there are differences in the opinions and opinions of the columnists among the two referendums held in 30 years. Because every period in the life of society is different. The columnists are also influenced by changes in society. This study is a qualitative research and documentation review. For the purpose of the study, the opinions and opinions of the columnists regarding the referendum process were examined in the elections of 1982 and 2010. The data of the study has been obtained from 47 articles of 4 authors who have been actively working as a columnist since 1982.
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This presentation has been displayed during the Crisis Management And Conflict Prevention Seminar, Brașov, Romania, 13-17 May 2008
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Данас се навршило десет година како је Принцип с друговима извршио атентат на аустро-мађарског престолонаследника Франца Фердинанда, једног од најизразитијих и најогорченијих непријатеља нашег народа. Историја атентата довољно је позната: на Видов-дан 1914, Фердинанд је дошао у Сарајево да, после великих војних маневара на међама Србије, покаже главном граду Босне сву снагу и моћ једне велике монархије. Његов долазак у Сарајево имао је, уз војни, још више политички карактер. Босна се, тада, налазила у једном нарочитом националном врењу. Балкански Ратови, завршени сјајним победама Србије, подигли су у српској маси Босне национално осећање пароксизма. У ваздуху се осећало да се сан о ослобођењу Јужних Словена, примиче своме остварењу. После Јужне Србије и Македоније, које су биле ослобођене у једном беспримерном налету, сад су долазили на ред Босна с осталим југословенским крајевима, робље аустро-мађарских империјалиста. [...]
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