Josip Broz Tito i jugoslovenski federalizam (1963-1974)

Author(s): Milivoj Bešlin / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

After 1945 Yugoslavia functioned as a de facto pseudofederation, although as a complex community was determined by the equality of all peoples and related minorities. The dominant centrist paradigm changed evolutionary, with permanent and lasting effects on the society. The 1963 constitution, the Eighth Congress of the LCY, and mostly three sets of constitutional amendments adopted 1967-1971, and the 1974 constitution marked the turning point in the essential change of character of Yugoslav federalism in order to achieve full national equality. Tito's role in the transformation of the federalist framework, although not operational, was inevitable, and expressed through support for new solutions which all people were satisfied with. Yugoslavia became the satisfactory framework for much of its citizens.

Josip Broz Tito i patrijarsi Srpske pravoslavne crkve (Gavrilo, Vikentije i German)

Author(s): Radmila Radić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Over 35 years spent as head of the Yugoslav state, Josip Broz Tito was in contact with three patriarchs of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Gavrilo (Dožić), Vikentije (Prodanov) and German (Doric). Josip Broz Tito was not directly addressing issues related to the Serbian Orthodox Church since they were in charge of the federal and republican commission for religious relations and management of national security/state security service. Never the less, no important decisions regarding the general policy towards religious communities could not be made without agreement among the top of the Party and the State and without the knowledge of Josip Broz Tito. Contacts of Josip Broz Tito with the patriarchs were mostly of protocol nature, except in cases of special interest for the relations of church and state (e. g. the question of the return of the Patriarch Gavrilo, questions about the international activities of the Serbian Orthodox Church, addressing issues of the Macedonian Orthodox Church, etc.). Relations between the state and the Serbian Orthodox Church after 1945, and accordingly relations of Josip Broz Tito's towards Church and some personalities who were at the head of the church during certain periods, should be primarily viewed in the context of the particular interests of church and state, broad relations and developments in Yugoslavia and on the international scene. State authorities carefully controlled activities of the Patriarch and the Bishops of the SOC, but the pressure varied in accordance with current needs and circumstances. It is characteristic that the same person at the head of the SPC was evaluated differently by the authorities, depending on his readiness for cooperation. Both Patriarch Gavrilo and Patriarch German were seen at one point as patriots and in other as traitors and collaborators with occupiers. Also, the behavior of single patriarch should be considered and evaluated within the limits of the possible and achievable in a given time, i. e. at various stages through which the relations of church and state passed.

„Deset godina komunističkog raja" Miloš Moskovljević o Titovim pogledima na ekonomsku politiku (Dnevničke beleške 1949-1955. godine)

Author(s): Momčilo Isić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Watching Tito's public statements concerning the state's economic policy between 1949 and 1955, Miloš Moskovljević dwelled in his Diary primarily on Tito's explanation of the clash with the USSR, on the policy of approaching the West, on the question of peasant cooperatives and on the process of industrialization. By analysing Tito's speeches in his diaries Moskovljević convincingly depicted the goal and the contents of the state's economic policy, as well as its changes first hinted at by Tito as the main actor, who was also the first and often also the only one who admitted errors in directing it. This spurred Moskovljević to conclude, having in mind his personal experience while he was part of the ruling apparatus, that only Tito and Stalin „could admit mistakes and criticize, and anyone else who would do it, was a foreign mercenary". As the proof that the state's 10-year's economic policy was unsuccessful, Moskovljević took Tito's speech about the New Economic Policy held at the session of the Executive Committe of the Socialist Union on Sunday, November 28,1955. In it he was extremely critical of the direction of the economic policy until then and of its results. However, Moskovljević was also critical here, claiming this Tito's speech was „a proof of and a monument to communist incapability" as well as that Tito hadn't reached the negative conclusions about the economic policy and the need of a New Economic Policy by himself, but that they were rather a consequence of Kardelj's trip to London.

Ljudi na strateškim mestima. Uzroci, posledice i smisao sukoba Josipa Broza Tita i Milovana Đilasa na Trećem (vanrednom) plenumu CK SKJ 1954. godine

Author(s): Goran Miloradović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The relation between Josip Broz Tito and Milovan Djiias are analyzed in the paper with speciall stress on the events on the eve, during and after the Third (Extraordinary) Plenum of the Central Committee of the Union of the Communists of Yugoslavia held on January 16-17, 1954. Theoreticaly the question is asked if Djiias realy had the role of a „dissident" in a particular Yugoslav totalitarian state of a stalinist type, since the phenomenon of dissidence in international context is connected with the changes which came about in the USSR after the so-called „Khruschev’s thaw" and since the term itself appeared only in the late 1960s. The period of the dissidents’ activity in the USSR makes up one and a half decade (1965-1980). In virtue of the published and unpublished archival sources, interviews, memoirs and literature, Djilas’s „rebelion" is explained as an episode in the struggle for power within the UCY and not as an ideological dissent of a lonely intellectual. Djiias was a representative of the opposition who tried to use the strategic foreign political turn (Yugoslavia’s rapprochement with the West), as well as ideological and political divisions that followed, for his own ascent in the hierarchy. He tried to achieve that by grouping the intellectual core of his fellow-travelers around the journal Nova misao, militating at the same time for political and ideological competition in Yugoslavia, including the two-party system. By doing that he jeopardized the position of the undesputed leader J.B. Tito, as well as the position of the conservative faction within the UCY. Despite the sympathies of part of the British Labor Party for Djiias, he neither received sufficient support from abroad nor secured a strong enough foothold in Yugoslavia. His policy was defeated at the Third Plenum of the CC of the UCY in 1954 as „anarchism" or „bourgeois liberalism" and he was relieved of all his posts and sent into retirement. By comparing the Soviet and the Yugoslav systems the author concludes that Djilas’s role in Yugoslavia is comparable to the role of the internal party opposition of L. Trotsky and N. Bukharin in the USSR, but not to that of Soviet dissidents who cherished their personal and professional freedom and moral dignity (such as A. Sinyavsky, J. Daniel, A. Solzhenitsyn, R. Medvedev, A. Sakharov etc.) and who were neither revolutionaries nor politicians. Djiias was a revolutionary, a member of the Politbuereau of the CC of the UCY who 230 openly presented his views, formed a faction and gathered increasingly broad support for his policy with the aim of conquering the highest post in Yugoslavia - Tito's. The understanding of Djilas’s status was made blear by the negative propaganda instigated against him by his enemies in power, but also by later positive advertizing of his friends of the opposition, which created two, equally distorted images of Djilas: the „demonic" and the „angelic". However, after a detailed analysis it is clear that the struggle for the supreme power in the Party and in the state was what it was all about, and not just „dissatisfaction" with the existing situation and the system, as was the case with dissidents in other parts of Eastern Europe.

Uloga Josipa Broza Tita u definisanju srpskog etničkog prostora

Author(s): Branko Nadoveza / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Thanks to his personal activity and historical circumstances Josip Broz Tito managed to define the ethnical and territorial boundaries of the Serbian people. The two basic periods of his activity were 1937-1945 and from 1946 to his death. The solutions to the national question offered by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia could be compared with the solution of the nationality question proposed by the Croat Peasant Party that presupposed the division of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia into historical provinces. In paper special attention was devoted to the definition of the borders of the Autonomous Province of Kosovo. The author quoted particularly intensively the critique of the Yugoslav Communists by political emigres.

Pogledi Josipa Broza na neke probleme jugoslovenskog društva šezdesetih godina 20. veka

Author(s): Slobodan Selinić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

During 1960s the development of the Yugoslav society was also marked by some problems, such as economic crisis, undcidedness and disunity of the Party top brass as to the direction of further development of the state and fall of morals of the leading people in the state and the Party. Josip Broz devoted great attention to economic problems, believing the lack of solutions for them would lead to ethnic and political dissatisfaction and the loss of esteem for the country in the world. He consequently warned of the disbalance in foreign trade and criticized import without control, excessive investment and buliding of several factories of the same kind, stressing that overinvesting was the main source of economic difficulties. Instead of new investments and loans he demanded modernization, integration of companies and specialization of production, taking into account the needs of the domestic and the world markets etc. However, equally consequently the economic problems were not solved. In relation to the country's constitution and political disunity of the top brass in the state Broz showed much less concistency. Although he kept insisting on unity and concord and demanded that the Central Committee of the Union of the Communists of Yugoslavia should tackle the problems, his demand to let bygones be bygones and to leave alon the responsibility for the problems in the country, led to sham and artificial concord and unity, while the state was sapped by conflicts of the governments of the constitutent republics and by processes of disintegration. He himself traveled the way from criticizing local economic interests of the republics and struggle for a unified Yugoslav market in early 1960s, through symetrical critique of centralist forces and the tendency of the republics to be closed for outside influences at the Party congress in 1964, to plumping for decentralization late in 1965. He showed the weakest determination and will in fighting corruption, enriching and privileges of his closest collaborators, although he was acquainted with the fact that some people in his closest entourage abused their posts to line their pockets, build weekend houses and villas and to use privileges and break the law.

„Staro ne smije više nikad da se vrati". Tito i privredna politika FNRJ 1945-1955. godine

Author(s): Ivana Dobrivojević Tomić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Emulating the Soviet model, the Yugoslav communists started industrialization in a hurry. The Five Years Plan envisaged megalomaniac investment in heavy industry and economic strategists of the Party believed Yugoslavia would overtake Great Britain in ten years. The poor state couldn’t take such investment effort so that the economic policy of the government generated general poverty and slump in agrarian production. Just how the Yugoslav attempt at industrialization and economic potential of the country were mismatched is shown by the fact that the regime received from the West alone $ 500 million in economic aid and $ 800 million dollars in, mostly short- and middle-termed, loans which also didn’t suffice to complete the key projects. Having realized already by 1953 the political consequences of an expensive industrialization, Tito started announcing scaling down of investments, larger investment in agriculture and the rise of living standards. Although an end was put to building of crucial object the Yugoslavs lived no better in 1956 since the costs of living of a four-member family were by 40 to 60% higher than nominal wages.

Gender mainstreaming: jak na něj?!

Author(s): Kristýna Ciprová / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Seznamte se s genderovým rozpočtováním

Author(s): Alexandra Jachanová Doleželová / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Wpływ Unii Europejskiej na administrację krajową – aspekty prawne i ustrojowe polskiego członkostwa

Author(s): Jowanka Jakubek-Lalik / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

Artykuł poświęcony europeizacji, czyli wpływowi integracji europejskiej na państwo członkowskie, a w szczególności na jego struktury, procesy i funkcje. Proces ten odnosi się do oddziaływania Unii Europejskiej na systemy polityczne państw członkowskich i implementację prawa unijnego do krajowych porządków prawnych oraz do jej logiki postępowania. Z drugiej strony zaczął być także interpretowany jako wpływ państwa członkowskiego, jego instytucji i polityki na instytucje i mechanizmy Unii Europejskiej. Państwo członkowskie występuje jako odbiorca unijnych norm i zasad, ale także nadawca swoich preferencji politycznych i współtwórca nowego porządku, który powstaje w procesie integracji europejskiej.

Gender mainstreaming: urodnjavanje

Author(s): Zorana Antonijević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Urodnjavanje (gender mainstreaming), odnosno uvođenje rodne perspektive u politike i prakse na svim nivoima odlučivanja organa javne vlasti, relativno je nova feministička strategija promene. Njen primarni cilj je smanjivanje i iskorenjivanje rodnih nejednakosti, pre svega kroz državni aparat, ali i međunarodne organizacije. Međutim, put do urodnjavanja kao strategije nije bio ni lak ni jednostavan. Naime, na Prvoj međunarodnoj konferenciji žena u Meksiko Sitiju 1975. godine definisana je obaveza država članica Ujedinjenih nacija da formulišu nacionalne strategije, ciljeve i prioritete kako bi unapredili rodnu ravnopravnost i iskorenili rodnu diskriminaciju.

Ekonomija Bosne i Hercegovine – stanje i perspektive

Author(s): Aida Zaimović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Prvi i osnovni preduslov koji se nameće zemljama koje žele pristupiti Evropskoj uniji jeste “postojanje funkcionalne tržišne ekonomije sposobne da se nosi s konkurentskim pritiscima i tržišnim silama unutar Unije“. Bosna i Hercegovina je potpisivanjem Sporazuma o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju koncem juna 2008. godine izrazila čvrsto opredjeljenje za evropski put. Međutim, to za sobom povlači i ispunjavanje niza kriterija ekonomske prirode koji imaju za cilj pripremanje bh. ekonomije za funkcionisanje unutar većeg tržišta. Ekonomija Bosne i Hercegovine ima neke sistemske slabosti koje su, ponajviše, rezultat mukotrpnog tranzicijskog procesa kroz koji prolazi naša zemlja. Činjenica je da je znatan dio bh. privrede devastiran tokom ratnih dešavanja 1990-ih godina, a posljedice se osjete i danas – 18 godina poslije. Vrijednost bruto domaćeg proizvoda dostigla je tek 80% vrijednosti prijeratnog, stopa nezaposlenosti je jedna od najvećih u regionu, poslovni ambijent je nepovoljan i ocijenjen kao najlošiji u regionu, konkurentnost bh. Ekonomije je najslabija u regionu i jedna od najslabijih u cijeloj Evropi. Sve naprijed rečeno treba da zabrinjava kreatore ekonomskih politika čija odgovornost za trenutno stanje bh. ekonomije prednjači. U ovom radu, upoznaćemo se sa osnovnim makroekonomskim obilježjima bh. Ekonomije i njene trenutačne pozicije u regionalnom i međunarodnom okruženju.

Parlamentarna skupština Bosne i Hercegovine

Author(s): Nermina Saračević / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Članak opisuje Parlamentarnu skupštinu BiH kao najviši legislativni organ vlasti u Bosni i Hercegovini putem sistemske analize i sa aspekta konsocijativne političke paradigme. izostanak političkog konsenzusa kod formiranja koalicionog programa vodećih parlamentarnih stranki kontinuirano ugrožava legitimnost zakonodavne vlasti i umanjuje njenu funkcionalnost u institucionalnom poretku. ovakav model je sa stanovišta funkcio - nalnosti ovisan o vanjskom, supra-nacionalnom autoritetu u vršenju vlasti (Ured visokog predstavnika u Bosni i Hercegovini), od čijeg angažmana će i dalje ovisiti donošenje ključnih odluka i reformi potrebnih za jačanje centralnog državnog aparata i time zastupanja opštih interesa svih građana (demosa) Bosne i Hercegovine. tranzicija ka samostalnom modelu će biti uslovljena postizanjem političkog dogovora o opštem (zajedničkom) dobru uz etos kooperacije između parlamentarnih stranaka.

Uloga srpske i ruske pravoslavne crkve u profilisanju državne politike

Author(s): Srđan Barišić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Prihvaćeno vrlo rano u etnogenezi, dolazeći od vizantijskog uzora, pravoslavlje se i kod Srba i kod Rusa čvrsto vezalo za stvaranje države i u oba slučaja tokom brojnih i snažnih kriza države ono je igralo snažnu integrativnu ulogu u očuvanju nacionalnog identiteta. U oba slučaja, period ateizacije društvenog sistema marginalizovao je i minimalizovao javni značaj religioznosti, a raspadom federacija, početkom poslednje decenije XX veka, nastupio je proces revitalizacije religije. Kao sastavni deo društvenih promena u postosocijalističkim društvima, revitalizacija religije odvijala se prvenstveno kroz politizaciju religije, odnosno, u kontekstu urušenog identitetskog (socijalističkog) okvira, reafirmisanjem starih etničkih i konfesionalnih obrazaca u cilju homogenizacije identiteta u nacionalnim okvirima. Sakralizacija nacionalnog identiteta političkim elitama ojačavala je moć, a verskim elitama je omogućavala konačan dugo iščekivani povratak u javnu sferu i vraćanje bar dela izgubljenih privilegija. [...]

Wyzwania dla globalnego zarządzania gospodarczego 10 lat po kryzysie finansowym 2007–2008

Author(s): Karina Jędrzejowska,Karina Jędrzejowska,Anna Wróbel / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

The paper presents an overview of the changes in the global economy since 2017.Consecutive sections deal with the analysis of economic indicators and challengesfaced by Global Economic Governance in its particular dimensions: trade, finance,and development. In spite of a moderately positive condition of the global economyin the last two years, the current situation cannot be considered as fully stable. Thisapplies both to economic output and the future of the global economic order. Inevery dimension of Global Economic Governance, there is a significant rift betweenthe efforts to promote multilateral solutions and individual actions taken by somestates. In case of the global trade system, the major concern constitute the risingprotectionism and the threat of trade conflicts, as well as the growing dysfunctionof the World Trade Organization (WTO). The recurring issue for global financialsystem remains its reform. In terms of global development cooperation, progresshas been made towards eliminating poverty, yet simultaneously income inequalitiesare on the rise. Moreover, in spite of the ongoing reform of development finance,the current system is incapable of meeting the needs of sustainable development andinclusive growth.

40-lecie reform w Chinach i nawiązania stosunków dyplomatycznych USA–Chiny

Author(s): Edward Haliżak / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

The aim of this article is to analyze international relations in the Asia-Pacific regionfrom the historical perspective of the 40th anniversary of the economic reformin China and the establishment of diplomatic US-China relations. China’s successfulreform programme and US-China economic cooperation have helped to transformthis country into a superpower and, as a result, multilateralism in the region hasbeen replaced by new US-China bipolar structure. 2018 was the year regional actorsgrew accustomed to this new strategic environment.

Indyjska strategia równoważenia w regionie Azji i Pacyfiku po 2014 r.

Author(s): Jakub Zajączkowski / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

The aim of the article is to analyze the evolution of India’s strategy in the Asia-Pacific region after 2014, i.e. after the Indian People’s Party (Bharatiya Janata Party,BJP) came to power and the post of prime minister was taken over by NarendraModi. The article characterizes and discusses the main assumptions, directions, andinstruments of India’s foreign policy in the Asia-Pacific region.The article attempts to answer two main research questions: whether and, if so,why has India adopted a more active strategy in the Asia-Pacific region; and whether,in its strategy in the political-strategic and security sphere, it has opted for an alliancewith the USA in the Asia-Pacific region.Answers to these questions will allow us to verify hypothesis stating that,especially under the influence of the dynamics of intra-regional relations in foreignpolicy in 2010s, India has redefined its role and position on the Asian continent andhas strived to implement a balancing policy in order to limit China’s increasinglyimportant role and to prevent the shift of power on the Asian continent in favour ofBeijing. To achieve its goals, India advocates a political and strategic alliance withthe USA and its allies as one of the pillars of a democratic, liberal order in the Indo--Pacific region (as an alternative to the order proposed by China).The theoretical tool used in this case study of India’s regional strategy is thecategory of balancing policy. This research tool was selected for its cognitiveand explanatory values which emphasize the importance of the anarchism of theinternational system and the fact that the rules of relations between states area function of the balance of power between them.

Conceptualising the Fiscal Union: The EU Perspective

Author(s): Filip Petkov / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The purpose of this article is to review the current aspects of the fiscal union concept, to explain its fundaments and its meaning for the successful governance of sustainable economic environment in EU. Methodologically the research largely employs content analysis to review over 20 primary and 15 secondary sources of information and most importantly the EU treaties and official communications of the European Commission. The research results imply computer-aided and manual content analysis exploring the legislative framework and authors contributions on the fiscal stability mechanism in the EU. The novelty of this research lies in its analytical approach, aimed at conceptualizing the EU fiscal union by means of content analysis of strategic documents, while it is otherwise approached in different context and conceptual setting (such as its contributions to the objectives of stable prices, sound public finance, monetary policy andsustainable balance of payments while ensuring open market with free competition).

EU and US Leading Approaches to the Western Balkans: Compatibility and Differences

Author(s): Sonia Hinkova / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The article analyzes the nature and dynamics of EU and US spatial interests andpolicies that outline their spheres of influence in the Western Balkans. It presents the tools andapproaches (strategic, economic and political) through which these two actors assert their geopolitical interests in the region and specifically in the six Balkan countries (Albania, Bosnia andHerzegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro). It is argued that the EU and US approaches in the Western Balkans are strategic in nature and sustainable. The paper aims at analyzing and comparing the two strategic approaches in terms of their compatibility and differences.

Idiosyncratic Identity of Muslim Turks and the Romani of Bulgaria: Rethinking Human Security through the prism of Self-Governing Rights

Author(s): Francesco Trupia / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Bulgaria is one of the few countries in the Balkan region without a recent history of bloody ethnic conflict generated or related to interreligious relations. From a historical perspective, the Muslim and Christian communities have been living peacefully side by side despite Bulgarian Muslims’ overall lack of inclusion in current everyday life in the Republic of Bulgaria. However, parallel to a high-level of inequality and marginalization, lack of empowerment, inclusiveness and influence within the political landscape have dominated Bulgarian opinions on autochthonous ethnic minority groups, guiding these opinions toward misconceptions as well as into a “culture of silence” in which policy discussions and conversations related to minority groups are made almost exclusively behind closed doors. In this so-called “century of terrorism” , while the national scenario has recently shown how much human security can go forward due to the “dark zone” under which social groups might be exposed to processes of radicalization, Bulgarian Muslim communities continue to represent a concern in the Bulgarian context.