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The study is mostly based on documents from the Archives of Congregation of the Mission. The beginning of the Catholic missions in Salonika is traced and especially those of Congregation of the Mission, which replaced the Jesuits (1782 – 1783). Special attention is paid on the relations between foreign missions and the Bulgarians who accepted Pope’s supremacy, known as Uniates. The objects of research are the first Bulgarian bishops Nil Izvorov, Lazar Mladenov and Epiphane Scanoff, whose administrative activities are directly dependent upon the Congregatio de Propaganda Fide and the Ottoman authorities. The French-Ottoman Capitulations (until 1913) aid the Catholic missions but do not influence denomination changes among the Bulgarians. These changes depend on the Exarchate’s actions and on the agents of the Patriarchate, who are very often sent by Russia, “the protector of the Balkan Christians”. The Ottoman authorities involve only in cases when the Christian communities seek solutions to administrative issues or need support in conflicts inside the respective community.
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The present article is devoted to the development of trade relations of China with two Balkan socialist countries – Bulgaria and Romania during the period 1950 – 1978, i. e. from the beginning of the bilateral economic relations between these partners to the end of the 1970s, when the serious changes in China’s economic development started. The comparative analysis is complemented by their comparison with China’s relations with the USSR and the Eastern European countries – members of CMEA. This approach aims to show the influence of the various factors, both political and economic, on the bilateral trade relations.During the 1950s, the Chinese-Bulgarian and Chinese-Romanian trade were developing in a similar way, pre-determined by the similarity of the political and economic views in the three countries. In the beginning of the 1960s, serious differences appeared and during the period until 1978, Romania was gradually recognized not only as the most important economic partner of China among the European CMEA countries, but also as one of the largest trading partners of the enormous country in general. Bulgaria was just the opposite – its trade relations with China underwent extremely negative development and, as a result, it occupied an extremely modest position not only among the eastern European countries, but also in the foreign trade exchange of PRC.The factors, which determined the two fundamentally different trends, were of political and economic nature. In general, they were determined by the attitude of Sofia and Bucharest to the Soviet Union, not only in relation to its conflict with the PRC. The role of the political factor should not be overestimated. The changes in Beijing’s foreign economic policy during the period under study also had a strong impact on the bilateral relations with Bulgaria and Romania. The same refers to Bucharest, whose foreign economic orientation greatly differed from that of Sofia.
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After the end of the Second World War, in Romania and Bulgaria there were communist regimes loyal to the Soviet Union and to the General Secretary of the CPSU, Joseph Stalin, so that premises were in place for “relations of friendship and cooperation between the two parties and nations” in the name of “the unity of the socialist countries and of the communist movement.” And this was actually true until the mid-1960s, when the policy of the Romanian Communist Party towards the USSR, the hegemonic ruler of this political system, began to change. Without ever getting into an open conflict, the Romanian-Bulgarian ties were affected by the situation, and as Romania continued its autonomous evolution amid the other satellite-countries, disputes became more and more common. This study endeavours to discuss the manner in which the positioning of both countries within the international communist movement and vis-à-vis the Soviet regime and its decisions influenced the relationships between the two countries.
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The kindness to the stranger is typical for all Mediterranean societies and as part of their cultures Christianity is no exception. The kindness of Christians however is somehow different. During 4th and 5th centuries the social influence of the Church and bishops significantly increased and started to affect all segments of roman society. Among the important social changes implemented during this period was the attitude towards strangers. Few bishops played an important role in this process – St Ambrose, St. Basil the Great and St. John Chrysostom. Some of their deeds – Basil’s Basileada and Chrysostom’s relations with Goths, and standings – Ambrose’s sermon against the expulsion of foreigners from Rome, started to change social perception of foreigners and implemented changes visible even today – the establishment of hospitals and hostels.
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Diving into the problems of the leadership and the heroes’ national pantheon, the paper provides a comparative analysis of the historiography and the memory of two former political leaders in the modern history of Bulgaria and Romania. Stefan Stambolov, Bulgarian Prime Minister during the period 1887‒1894, and Ion Antonescu, Prime Minister and ‘leader of the State’ in Romania during World War II (1940‒1944), are controversial historical figures or disputed leaders that gave rise to different historiographical interpretations, and the memory of which was used for political purposes. The interest to the strong political persona and its authoritarian decisions, as well as the revival of the traditional concepts of national ideals, explain their half rehabilitation after their complete refusal of class positions during the years of early socialism. Started during the late socialism, these processes continue in full force after the fall of communist regimes, still being representations of political interests. After 1989 the full rehabilitation of the two former Prime ministers was most desired by politicians, public figures and writers with nationalist views, which have direct links with the former regime and its secret services. The results in both countries were different and even opposite. In the assessments about Stambolov in Bulgaria his dictatorial methods were outweighed by his merits as a politician who defended the sovereignty of the young Bulgarian state during a crisis period and set solid foundations for its modernization. Without being portrayed as a sinless character by the most historians, in the national memory he turnеd into a sort a benchmark for Bulgarian statesman and national leader. On the contrary, the effort for the rehabilitation of Antonescu failed mainly because of the international reactions regarding the silence about his role in the Holocaust. Though his place is still debated, Stambolov is almost a full-fledged part of the Bulgarian national pantheon, unlike Antonescu, whose fame proved short and who is being rejected on an official level by the laws of memory in Romania. These different results do not deny the fact that Stambolov and Antonescu continue to be present in a similar positive way in the society’s memory, respectively in Bulgaria and Romania. The values of the nation and the national state overrule those of democracy and human rights, especially during periods of crises when the security rises in priority at the expense of freedom, while the ‘savior’ again becomes necessary.
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This paper argues for a relational perspective in the social sciences that sees the formerSecond World as connected to both the former First and Third Worlds. Rather than themono-directionality, especially between the First and Second Worlds, assumed by manymodernisation and globalisation approaches, this article suggests that these „worlds”have been mutually constitutive. Making globalisation, postcolonial and postsocialiststudies speak to each other, the article places postsocialism in a new global context. Relationalityhas consequences not only for how we see the ontology but also the politicalpossibilities of the post-socialist global. As such, this article develops a constructive critiqueof Nancy Fraser’s concept of the postsocialist condition by demonstrating how classand identity politics have been strategically fused in the region during and after statesocialism, relying primarily on research in Hungary. Empirically, the article argues that theinteraction of state socialist and postsocialist histories with new Western projects of thepolitics of recognition – such as cosmopolitanism, multiculturalism, global civil society,and postnationalism – had the effect of impoverishing national public discourses, whichled to undemocratic results in Eastern Europe, and created a favourable atmosphere forthe extreme right wing.
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During the Iron Age Germanic tribes used mainly open air sanctuaries, such as holy groves or spring sanctuaries for sacrifice. This article describes such open air sanctuaries and their use by the worshippers according to the sources and reconstructed with the help of the archaeological evidence. Closer attention is paid to the complex practice of human sacrifice, which has attracted the attention of scholars since the 18th century.
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The archaeological site at Poiana (Nicoreşti commune, Galaţi county) was signaled out at the end of the 19th century (by Spiru Haret), and it was then explored archaeologically in 1913 (by Vasile Pârvan) and in 1926 (by Gheorghe Ştefan). Between 1927 and 1990, with some interruptions, intense investigations were undertaken there, under the leadership of Professor Radu Vulpe and of his wife, Dr. Ecaterina Dunăreanu-Vulpe, until 1982. Several other collaborators joined them in the course of time (Dr. Anton Niţu, Dr. Silvia Teodor, etc.); after R. Vulpe’s death (1982) the investigation of the archaeological site at Poiana (Nicoreşti commune, Galaţi county) was signaled out at the end of the 19th century (by Spiru Haret), and it was then explored archaeologically in 1913 (by Vasile Pârvan) and in 1926 (by Gheorghe Ştefan). Between 1927 and 1990, with some interruptions, intense investigations were undertaken there, under the leadership of Professor Radu Vulpe and of his wife, Dr. Ecaterina Dunăreanu-Vulpe, until 1982. Several other collaborators joined them in the course of time (Dr. Anton Niţu, Dr. Silvia Teodor, etc.); after R. Vulpe’s death (1982) the investigation of the site was led by Dr. Silvia Teodor, between 1985 and 1990.The site of Poiana is situated east of the Carpathian Mountains, on the lower course of the Siret, an important tributary of the Danube. Three vast habitation layers have been identified, corresponding to the Bronze Age (the cultures of Monteoru IC3 – IC2 and of Costişa, respectively), to the first Iron Age (Hallstatt, Basarabi culture) and, finally, to the second Iron Age (La Tène, Geto-Dacian culture).The richest layer which revealed the most representative vestiges is the one belonging to the Geto-Dacian culture (the middle of the 5th century B. C. – the middle of the 2nd century A. D.). Radu Vulpe identified the Geto-Dacian citadel at Poiana as ancient Piroboridava (Ptolemy). From a numismatic point of view, Poiana is also distinguished by the number and the variety of the coins found there. Radu Vulpe entrusted the studying of the coins of Poiana to the outstanding numismatist Bucur Mitrea, who recorded and studied all the monetary documentation, without publishing it totally. Although some data were used by Bucur Mitrea in his works, the complete catalogue of the coins found at Poiana still remained unpublished. Not long before his death (1995) professor Bucur Mitrea entrusted all his documentation about the coins from Poiana to Virgil Mihailescu-Bîrliba, whose duty was to publish it. Consequently, in the present study the list of the monetary finds from Poiana is presented (with some corrections and additions), accompanied by an incomplete commentary (referring only to the Greek issues). The Catalogue of coins includes five annexes: 1. The Catalogue of single finds from Poiana; 2. The monetary hoards found at Poiana; 3. The paramonetary objects found at Poiana; 4. Uncertain monetary finds from Poiana; 5. Monetary finds from around the Poiana site. The fact is pointed out that in no other Dacian fortress (with the possible exception of Sarmizegetusa) has such a large amount of coins been found: 1,269 coins in all, of which 929 have been studied by the author. Numerous monetary finds (11 single finds and 3 hoards containing 246 Roman republican and imperial denarii) have also been signaled out in the surroundings of the Poiana site. They were also studied by Bucur Mitrea. The Greek and Hellenistic single finds are represented by 15 coins: Histria 5, Callatis 3, Odessos 1, Panticapaion 1,Dyrrhachium 2, Thracian kings 3; a hoard containing bronze coins issued by Callatis (32) is also added to the items mentioned above. The coins from Histria are all of silver, and they could be dated to the 4th c. B. C. Their presence at Poiana is not surprising, because, as Bucur Mitrea remarked long ago, the Histrian silver coin is frequently signaled in the eastern area of the Carpathians (Moldavia). At the same time one could notice that some coins did not have any signs of wear, which proves that they had not circulated and had not been used in the exchange process between the natives and the Greek world. The analysis above supports the idea that, for the entire eastern Dacia, and especially for the area of the Lower Siret, at that time, the citadel at Poiana played an important political, religious, military and cultural role, besides the economic one. As we have already mentioned, coins issued by the Greek cities Callatis and Odessos have also been found at Poiana, although all the issues are of bronze and they appear not to have been used within the exchange process between the Geto-Dacians and the Greek merchants. Another important category of coins is represented by the local production. There have been recorded 27 Geto-Dacian issues, most of them belonging, chronologically, to a late stage (the types Adâncata – Mănăstirea, Inoteşti –Răcoasa and Vârteju – Bucureşti). But, certainly, the most numerous category of coins is repesented by the Roman republican issues, found at Poiana, both isolated (about 110), and in hoards (7). Although most of the Roman imperial coins are early ones, some of them, though doubtful, show a late stage of habitation (Domitianvs, Traianvs, Antoninvs Pivs, Marcvs Avrelivs, Elagabalvs and Tacitvs).The archaeological diggings have also proved the presence of one or more workshops for coin minting: there have been found two dies (one for Roman republican denarii and another one for Geto-Dacian issues), metal discs ready to be coined, as well as local coins and imitations of the Roman republican denarii. Although the numismatic-historical analysis of the monetary finds from Poiana has not been finished, we are convinced that the information published now can be used for a better and a more complete understanding of the role played by this citadel in the eastern part of Dacia.
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The author of the article, based on the onomastic analysis of ancient Greek, Roman and Celtic myths, consisting of taxonomically different implications of the etymological and genetic unity of the Indo-European languages, continues to justify the hypothesis (that was raised at first in his book “Karuo – Iberian secret”) about the existence and interaction of two (Western and of Eastern) ancient Iberian cultures which became the forerunner of the European cultural conglomerate formation.
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It is not the facts of the life of a bright person that matter most for the successive generations.
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The economic boom, driven by the demand for slaves and furs in the countries of the Middle East and Middle Asia, the Maghreb and al-Andalus, and the resultant silver flows coming into the peripheral zone of Europe, permitted or facilitated the formation of early centres of power. In Wielkopolska, fur from tributes and people captured during raiding expeditions were traded for ores and luxury goods. These, in turn, were used to pay for the retinue (družina). Therefore, prestige and silver constituted the basis of ‘central’ power, conditioned the support for the power and thus its continued reign. The Czech lands were an important link in the transcontinental trade con-necting Khazaria and Hungary with al-Andalus. The Přemyslids’ power relied heavily on the income arising from the control over the routes passing through Prague. Nevertheless, their reign, notably Boleslav I’s, was also founded upon the organisation of slave export, a factor driving and regulating the Bohemian political economy throughout the second half of the tenth century.
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The first event continued the “Bulgarian uprisings” for political independency (statesmanship) from before 1878. The second one provided – again with respect to continuity – an Eastern Rumelian autonomy model and the example of the Unification to those parts of the ethnical territories remaining “under the yoke” of the Ottoman empire. There is no doubt that the rather dynamic and continuous military clash between Byzantium and the Bulgarian Tzardom from the 70’s of the 10th century until the end of the second decade of the 11th century still attracts and will attract scholarly attention. There is no doubt that the rather dynamic and continuous military clash between Byzantium and the Bulgarian Tzardom from the 70’s of the 10th century until the end of the second 48 Гл. ас. д-р Янко М. Христов decade of the 11th century still attracts and will attract scholarly attention
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The object of the research of the present article is the tracing out of the diversity in the spreading of the modern economic culture of the Bulgariannation in the epoch of the Bulgarian National Revival period (18th – 19th CC) – a diversity mainly in respect of geography and time. Both in Europe and on theBalkans the modern economic culture springs up and gives its first visible results at the beginning of the New Time. The Bulgarians are no exception to thatprocess, although it appears with them later in comparison with some of the peoples on the European continent. As with the nations on the Mediterranean andin Western Europe it is the trade among the Bulgarians which is the economic sphere to be the earliest and most notably affected by modernisation. That is why the article deals mainly with the modern trade culture of the Bulgarian National Revival period on the basis of which to a great extent appear and develop the other economic areas of the post-Renaissance society – the protoindustries and industry, services and credit. An attempt has been made to enlarge the research in that direction as well. The results of the research show that the highest degree in the spreading of the modern economic culture among the Bulgarian society was achieved during the third quarter of the 19th C (50ies – 70ies of the century) in the following centres and regions: among the Bulgarian community in the capital of the Ottoman empire – Istanbul, in the sub-Balkan settlements (Kalofer, Klisura, Sopot, Kazanlak, Koprivshtitsa and others), Central Northern Bulgaria (mainlyGabrovo and Turnovo), the Sliven-Kotel region (Sliven, Kotel, Zheravna, Gradets, Medven), the towns along the Danube (Rouse, Svishtov, Lom,Silistra,Toulcha), in some of the centres of the Bulgarian Diaspora in Wallachia, Moldova and Bessarabia (Bucharest, Krayova, Braila, Galatz, Giurgiu, Yash,Bolgrad, Focşani). Other regions are represented only partially on the map of the Bulgarian economic modernisation during the Bulgarian National Revival period with certain separate town centres: South Bulgaria (Stara Zagora and Plovdiv), South-Western Bulgaria (Samokov and Sofia), the north-eastern territories and the Black sea region (Varna, Shumen and Burgas) and there are certain regions which are missing completely from this map: North-Western Bulgaria,Macedonia, the south-eastern territories, a large part of Dobrudzha.
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Cultural history of the city of Shtip and its surroundings, thanks to the geomorphology of the terrain, suitable climatic and geographical condi¬tions, road traffic arteries which passed and pass through Shtip in Prehis¬tory, Antiquity and the Middle Ages, contributed to its development start from deepest prehistory or the late Paleolithic and continuously through the ages to last until today.The paper will present the cultural history of Shtip from Antiquity until the arrival of the Ottomans, through archaeological artifacts, marble sculpture and fortification of medieval fortress Isar Stip.
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The article discusses the image of the German and Austro-Hungarian intervention in Ukraine in 1918 in Ukrainian memoirs. While these works generally describe the policies of the Central Powers toward Ukraine as imperialist and dictated by the military and economic interests of the two states, only the most radical leftist writers fail to appreciate the role German and Austrian troops played in the removal of Bolshevik forces from Ukraine. Common and individual portraits of the military and political apparatus of the intervention forces differ depending on the political position of the writer. Those who viewed the repressive policies toward rural Ukraine from the perspective of the elites of Kiev discuss them only in abstract terms. In general, Austro-Hungary’s part in the intervention is described in less favourable terms than that of Germany.
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