We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.
Hospodárske vzťahy Slovenska s nacistickým Nemeckom, resp. s Nemeckou ríšou, v rokoch 1939 – 1945 sú už niekoľko desaťročí objektom výskumu slovenskej a čiastočne aj českej a nemeckej historiografie.2 Slovenskí historici im venovali osobitnú pozornosť v 50. a 60. rokoch. V období normalizácie však výskum stagnoval. Nová generácia historikov, nastupujúca v 90. rokoch, si opäť začala uvedomovať ich význam pre formovanie celkového nemecko-slovenského vzťahu. Z viacerých otázok sledovanej témy už bola do značnej miery spracovaná expanzia nemeckého kapitálu na Slovensku, problematika poradcov – beráterov, kľúčové hospodárske zmluvy a niektoré ďalšie otáz ky. Nasledujúca štúdia hodnotí vývoj medzivládnych rokovaní s hlavným dôrazom na doteraz nespracovaný obsah rokovaní slovensko-nemeckých vládnych výborov.
More...
Leo Valiani was a politician, historian and journalist born in the town of Fiume in 1909. He was first sentenced to prison as an anti-fascist in 1928. He befriended Arthur Koestler while both men were detained in the Le Vernet camp in France in 1939. In 1943, the Allies sent Valiani behind enemy lines, and he became a leading member of the Comitato di Liberazione Nazionale Alta Italia, one of the leading groups of the victorious uprising of Milan in April 1945. In 1946, Valiani was elected to the Italian Constituent Assembly. After the dissolution of his party, the Partito d’Azione, Valiani chose to work as an economist, an analyst for a leading bank. He maintained his ideals of democracy, and published the history of the Italian resistance movement, as well as essays on the socialist movement, the Spanish Civil War, etc. He was also a scholar of Hungarian history. He was one of the promoters of the international campaign for the liberation of Hungarian intellectuals arrested after the defeat of the revolution of 1956. In 1966, he published his most important work: The End of Austria–Hungary. He became senator for life in 1980, and continued his work, publishing essays and leading articles right until his death in 1999.
More...
Charles IV. as a ruler of Austro-Hungarian Empire and as a king of Hungary could not fullfill expectations concerning his reign. He could not bring the peace and he was not able to make the real and necessary poli-tical and social reforms. He tried, but he was not succesfull. His memory however is alive because the Catholic Church beatified him. His memory absolutly connected with it. In the eyes of Catholic Church he is a good man. Otherwise his memory practically does not exist.
More...
For Hungary, state and nation, among those non–Hungarians who ex-erted the greatest influence on its history of the 20th century, Edward Benes ranks among the most influential of the Central European politi-cians. The important stages of his career often intersected the path of Hungary’s history. In this essay we survey the career of Edward Beneš particularly his foreign policy from his birth to his death.
More...
Dr. Milan Hodža (1878–1944) was the first prime minister of Czechoslovakia with Slovak origin (1935–1938), but he was active in the public life from the end of 19th century. Before the first world war he was the member of Hungarian parliament and the unofficial advisor of the Franz Ferdinand (Belveder Circle). Hodža this time established the Slovak agrarian democratic political movement and after 1919 he was the deputy president of the Czechoslovak Agrarian Party, which was the most important civic party in the interwar period. Hodža always supported the idea of the cooperation of the Central European countries. Especially important was this idea for him during his emigration under second world war. Hodža did not agree with the pro-Soviet orientation of emigrant president Edvard Beneš and they had many conflicts. Beneš was the winner of this struggle and Hodža emigrated to USA. There he wrote the main publication of his life – the concept of the fedaration in the Central Europe.
More...
Central Europe as a region played an important role in Helmut Kohl's carreer and politics. At the beginnings of his chancellorship, from 1982 he pursued Ostpolitik, a policy of detent between East and West, wich was initiated by his predecessors, Willy Brandt and Helmut Schmidt.
More...
Victor Emmanuel III reigned for a long time, for 46 years (1900–1946), all the same the international historical litterature hardly deals with him, his name is only mentioned in the publications. Even the Italian his-torians have not written much about him. In the first trimester of the 20th century he was praised by the majority of the publications. But from the last third of the thirties the critical tone intensified with him because he legitimized Mussolini's increasingly aggressive foreign policy. And though he dismissed Mussolini in 1943, but the critical tone on him did not chan-ge. After 1945 he just saw the events. The referendum in 1946 decided the fate of the monarchy and the king.
More...
Francois Fejtő as a journalist and intellectuel, expert of the communist World, was a particularly succesfull mediator of East and Central Europe in France where he emigrated in 1938 from Hungary to.
More...
The cultural aspect of the Cold War served, supplemented and even overwrote the political maneuvers in many areas. It created such oppor-tunities for the West which made a significant contribution to map the communist countries and make the most effective infiltration possible; of course, this was true in the contrary too, since it was an excellent intelli-gence field also for the East. In this essay, I am dealing only with a smaller but inevitably important segment of this area through the example of the School of Slavonic and East European Studies (SSEES) and Professor George Frederick Cushing (1923-1996). In this case, education did not conceal mutual, general knowledge, since such contacts are related to the history of intelligence in many ways.
More...
The thinking of the generation of the Austrian politicia born in the last dbecades of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was determined by the unique set of identities and diversity that gave a special dinamics to na tion consciousness awakening in the First Republic.
More...
A Hungarian fate, a life path, in which dwell almost all the Hungarian polit-ical, social and public impasses of the larger part of the 20th century. Dezső Sulyok’s (1897–1965) life well represents the path of the genera-tion, which had to fight through both of the world wars, experiencing the defeat and dissection of its homeland, along with the humiliation of its na-tion. Sulyok had to fight for democracy, freedom, Christian ethics, social justice in not only one, but two historical eras, only to find himself fail in both of these struggles. Not because of the lack of his abilities or respon-siveness of the Hungarian nation, but primarily because of the interna-tional circumstances. In the middle of the century, between the crushing wills of National socialism and Bolshevik communism, under the pressure of 2 superpowers – the Third (German) Reich’s and the Soviet Union – the struggle for national independence and freedom failed in Hungary. Dezső Sulyok still in time – meaning early – suggested the necessity of Hungary’s neutrality, and the idea of a United States of Europe, which would have been based on the cooperation of nations, and he could even imagine the creation of a World state. At the same time Sulyok was strongly committed to the cooperation of central-European nations, but not on the false grounds of Versailles. In the end, fate had a long emigra-tion in mind for Sulyok, just like for many other democrats and patriots in Central-Europe. Even though he could never return to his – sovietised – homeland, his idea of national democracy did not fade away.
More...
The article is dealing with the views on Yugoslav internal affairs of the US representatives to the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia during the first half of 1945. Contemporary US policy was not interested in Yugoslavia, and accordingly did not want to interfere in internal affairs in new Yugoslav state. It is not therefore surprising that the activities of the US representatives were actually limited to passive observation of events and processes. Although observers, the US representatives were closely following with considerable interest and critically what was happening before their eyes. Their observations are therefore valuable source of data about the processes and events during the year of 1945 which have transformed new Yugoslav state into a country in which a totalitarian system dominated by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia was established.
More...
Based on hitherto unused Hungarian documents the paper depicts relations between Hungary and Yugoslavia 1945-1947. Diplomatic relations between Hungary and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia were severed in April 1941 due to war and dismemberment of Yugoslavia. They were reestablished after the war under drastically changed foreign-political and domestic circumstances. The “power balance" tipped clearly in favor of the new Yugoslavia that had already been recognized. Hungary, as a defeated country, had to answer before the great powers. According to the Peace Treaty of 1947 some 3 Million Hungarians found themselves once again outside of their nation-state. Yugoslavia triumphantly took the place at the side of the victors and successfully reunited the state that had been dismembered in 1941. Between 1945 and 1947 Hungary was under military occupation and under control of the Allied Control Commission and she regained her formal sovereignty only in 1947 with the Paris Peace Treaty. In this relation: the subordinated and the superior, i.e. the vanquished and the victor, were the diplomatic relations between Hungary and Yugoslavia reestablished on March 10, 1945. In 1947 these relations became more cordial than ever, which was crowned in December 1947 by outwardly glamorously prepared visit of Josip Broz Tito to Hungary.
More...
Although ideologically opposed and seeing the future social system in Yugoslavia differently, both the Royal Yugoslav Government and the National Committee of Liberation of Yugoslavia shared the interest in enlarging the Yugoslav state, putting overtly forward territorial claims against neighboring countries. The wartime coalition of USSA and Western Powers showed its nonviability in the matter of the future state appurtenance of Venezia Giulia. The territorial dispute wasn’t definitively solved by the Belgrade and Devin agreements and the territorial status of Venezia Giulia remained a bone of contention in the relations between great powers. After WWI through the activity of the League of nations an attempt was made to repudiate the concept of power equilibrium and to implement the concept of collective security. This concept proved its nonviability at the outbreak of WWII. With the beginning of the Trieste crisis at the end of WWII the power equilibrium became the dominant concept in the relations between great powers once again.
More...
Apart from military and political, economic, cultural and educational cooperation, academic ties of the new Yugoslav authorities with state and scholarly institutions of the Soviet union developed already by the end of 1944. Above all, it was the matter of great expectations and certain aid from the Soviet Union in cadres, material and in organizing of scientific work and of basing of Party and state scientific policy completely on the Soviet scholarly and research model and the achievements of Soviet science. Ideological and political propinquity and the need to develop the backward science and to apply it to the needs of the country and the people, made it necessary to rely on the experiences, achievements and aid of the first country of socialism. This trend found its underpinning in the Treaty on Friendship, Mutual Aid and Afterwar Cooperation between Yugoslavia and USSR from April 1945. Ties between scholarly institutions and scientists were realized through the highest educational organs of the state, and above all through the Society for Cultural Cooperation of Yugoslavia and USSR, founded in 1945. Already from the first afterwar school year Soviet curricula, plans and Russian language were introduced on all levels of education, and it was tried to base the instruction on dialectical materialism. Soviet schoolbooks were translated and Russian-language literature recommended, methodology and results of certain scholarly disciplines were taken over from Soviet science (psychology, pedagogy, history, literary theory, biology etc.) Through exchange and grants primarily Russian-language books and scholarly journals came into libraries of faculties and scientific institutions. Apart from its practical application, Soviet science was strongly advertised and praised as the „most progressive” in the press and in public statements of scientific and public workers, as opposed to the „bourgeois reactionary science” of Western countries. Aid in application and advertising of achievements of Soviet science were lent also by scientists from the Soviet Union, who, apart from lectures at universities and in public, often had the task of organizing scientific research work and of helping with the set-up, organization and work of scholarly institutions. Furthermore, a large number of students and specializing experts, as well as scientists was sent to the Soviet Union. During their stay there they came to know the organization and achievements of Soviet science and they propagated it in public and applied it in their institutions. All forms of scientific cooperation were limited by material resources and possibilities and imbedded in the general cultural and propaganda atmosphere based on ideological and political situation and the relations between Yugoslavia and USSR. After the Resolution of the Informbuerau in 1948 and the conflict between Yugoslavia and USSR scientific ties between the two countries were abruptly severed and the propaganda image of Soviet science was gradually revised.
More...