Migration Crisis and Governance in Brazil Since 2010 or, How Migration Becomes an Opportunity for The Exceptional Exercise of Power

Author(s): João Gilberto Belvel Fernandes Júnior / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In Brazil, as in the rest of the world, the somewhat vague notion of “migration crisis” has been used to designate phenomena that could be better understood as reception crises (AGIER, 2021). This is to avoid the mistake of thinking of migration as a cause, and not as an effect of systemic, economic, political or environmental crises, or to take seriously the forced nature of the transnational movement that gives rise to this type of treatment – a nature that, according to the international legal system for the protection of human rights, would attract prerogatives such as those of the non-refoulement, and the right to enter national territories, contrary to what has happened in practice, mainly in the global north.

Selective Humanitarianism in Polish Migration Governance: Understanding Poland’s First Response to The Migration Crises in The Years 2021-2022

Author(s): Magdalena Bogucewicz / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Increased migration flows are currently one of the greatest challenges for the international community. The “migration crisis” in Europe which started in 2015 posed the question of how to reconcile effective border control with respect for human rights. For many years this dilemma didn’t seem relevant to policymakers in Poland, but now this question applies more than ever. The migratory pressures that first occurred in 2021 on the Polish-Belarusian border, and in the following year on the Polish-Ukrainian border, rapidly changed migration policy in Poland. The significant diversity of the causes and courses of these events led to the formation of two, often opposing approaches to immigrants. The assumption made in this chapter is that this fundamental difference in the perception of migration flows results from the clash of two concepts: the securitization of migration and the humanitarian imperative. The simultaneous application of these divergent approaches in the context of migration crises in Poland contributed to the creation of double standards in the perception and treatment of applicants for international protection.

Eu/ Tunisia Relations in Scope of Migration and Border Policies: The 2011 Jasmine Revolution as A Milestone

Author(s): Léa Lantelme / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Tunisia is a relatively small North-African Mediterranean coastal country with a population of 12 million, bordering Algeria and war-torn Libya. The country gained its independence in 1956, after the French Protectorate. After Zine El Abidine Ben Ali’s 23-year dictatorship ended in 2011 following popular uprisings, a democratic transition has begun, and citizens now enjoy unprecedented political rights and civil liberties. However, the country remains crippled with endemic corruption, faces important economic challenges and security threats, while issues pertaining to transitional justice remain unresolved (Freedom in the World 2021). The country was also seriously hit by the global COVID-19 crisis.

Migration Governance Framework (Migof) and Milestones in The United Arab Emirates’ Migration Policies

Author(s): Burak Yalım / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The Gulf is the third migrant-receiving region in the world after North America and the European Union (IOM, 2022: 25). Gulf Cooperation Council’s (GCC) oil and gas producing countries host the highest proportion of foreigners in the world. They became the centre of the south-south migration, specifically having temporary labour migrants from developing countries to solve the demographic deficit. The UAE hosts one of the GCC countries’ highest migrant stocks per population. The migrant community constitutes %88,52 of UAE’s 10,08 million population; only 1.16 million of UAE’s residents are local/ Emirati, and the rest, 8.92 million, are a mixture of high and low-skilled migrants (UAE Population Statistics, 2022). In addition, the UAE is in 6th place on the top destination list for migrants and the second in the list of top countries sending remittances with 43,23 billion USD in 2020 (IOM, 2022; 25-41). However, the Gulf region and the UAE are primarily understudied, and Gulf migration is a blind spot regarding migration governance.

The Migration Governance Structure in Sweden

Author(s): Malia Shir Mohammad / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The migration governance of a country simply refers to the framework it uses to regulate and shape how it responds to migration (International Organization for Migration, 2018; Geddes, 2022). The views of Axelsson and Pettersson (2021) suggest that the migration governance of countries has drawn significant attention in recent decades following the increasing rate of migration with its attendant socio-economic impact on both the host countries and the countries of origin.

Unraveling Stereotypes About Migrants From Turkey: Assimilation Discourses and Migration Governance in Germany

Author(s): Yağmur Erdoğmuş / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This chapter endeavors to comprehend the negative stereotypes and microaggressions faced by Turkish immigrants in Germany within the context of Germany’s assimilation policies and migration governance discourses. Türkmen (2019) delves into these issues in her article, “But you don’t look Turkish,” based on interviews with the “new wave” of Turkish immigrants in Germany. The pervasive phrase “You don’t look Turkish” surfaces in many of these experiences, prompting Türkmen to unravel the underlying mechanisms behind this stereotype.

The Role of Tunisia in The Eu’s Migration Governance

Author(s): Tamara Poletan / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

As a result of political and socioeconomic instability which gained momentum in the last decade, and the rising tensions and conflicts in its neighboring countries, a surge in the irregular departures from Tunisia towards the countries of European Union (EU) became a salient feature of post-revolutionary Tunisia. With 1.3 million Tunisians residing abroad as of 2016, Tunisia represents a prime emigration country in the Mediterranean region (Natter, 2021). Driven by its own political and economic interests in the region, migration has figured high on the agenda of EU’s policymakers. Tunisia represents EU’s key partner in various domains, with their partnership dating back to 1976 with its legal basis in Association Agreement signed in 1995. The 2011 Revolution represented a turning point in the EU-Tunisia relations, rendering EU a crucial partner in provision of support to the Tunisian transition towards the modern democracy. As stated on the official web page of the European Commission: “The partnership between Tunisia and the European Union (EU) is rooted in the mutual interest of enhancing a prosperous and stable Tunisian democracy” (European Commission) . In addition to that, Tunisia benefits immensely from the generous financial support provided by the EU with the aim of enhancing migration governance and addressing the root causes of irregular migration. Yet, as per Lixi, the relations between Tunisia and the EU have long been motivated by the mutual needs and interests with rare examples of a true cooperation (Lixi, 2018).

Costa Rica: A Brief Discussion on The Country’s Migration Policy and Migration Governance

Author(s): Felipe Antonio Honorato / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Costa Rica is a small nation, in territorial terms, located in Central America. Up to its north, the country borders Nicaragua, and in the south Costa Rica borders Panama (Enciclopédia Latino-Americana, n.d.). San José, in the Central Valley, is its capital, biggest and most important city. Cristopher Columbus arrived in the region that now corresponds to the Central American nation in 1502, but just 61 years later Cartago village was established (Enciclopédia Latino-Americana, n.d.). Distinguishing itself from most of its neighboring countries and from Latin America in general, in Costa Rica the Spanish colonization didn’t find too much mineral richness, especially gold and silver (Enciclopédia Latino-Americana, n.d.); Also, the nation was far from being one of the main Atlantic traffic destinations, receiving many less African black enslaved than Cuba, Sain Domangue, Brazil or the United States, for example. Cartago village was distant from Guatemala, its colonial political division center, which gave the region certain independence from Madrid’s rule. All this mixture of factors ended up shaping “the profile of the ancient Costa Rican societies”: easy access to land and low inequality within their members (Enciclopédia Latino-Americana, n.d.). Other characteristics that marked the colonial period in present-day Costa Rica are: the scarcity of indigenous population controlled through the encomienda (a legal institution implemented by Spain in America to regulate relations between Spaniards and Indians), the repartimiento (distribution of land and houses among those who helped in the conquest), and the particular ways under which trade developed in the territory.

Refugee Policy of Brazil as Part of The Migration Governance

Author(s): Guilherme Silva Pires de Freitas / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In recent years, Brazil has been registering an annual increase for asylum requests. From 2011, driven by the earthquake in Haiti and later by the War in Syria, the country saw applications grow from 1,465 in 2011 to 82,552 in 2019, the year before the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic (Silva, Cavalcanti, Oliveira & Macedo, 2020). After a brief drop in 2020, 28,899 requests (Silva, Cavalcanti, Oliveira, Costa & Macedo, 2021), the number increased again in 2021 as the COVID-19 pandemic was being controlled, reaching 29,107 requests registered by the National Committee for Refugees (Conare), entity responsible for the status of refuge in Brazil (Junger, Cavalcanti, Oliveira & Silva, 2021).

Electoral Systems and National Minorities

Author(s): Kristine Margvelashvili,Ana Tsiklauri / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

National minorities make up a substantial portion of the entire population of Georgia. However, the level of their participation in social and political life is limited. From the legal perspective, the Georgian legislation and the European Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities ensure the equality of opportunities for national minorities. Nevertheless, the quality of minority participation in political decision-making still remains a great challenge. The current mixed electoral system fails to ensure the full-fledged political participation of national minorities. They are underrepresented in the legislature which causes and is also caused by the low level of political participation of national minorities.

Political Participation of National Minority Women in Georgia

Author(s): Levan Kakhishvili / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The goal of this paper is to analyse the degree of political participation of women belonging to national minorities in Georgia, to identify the factors hindering their higher level of involvement in politics and to develop recommendations for various stakeholders interested in increasing the role of minority women in Georgian politics. Based on focus group discussions with participants from Samtskhe-Javakheti and Kvemo Kartli regions as well as in-depth interviews with representatives of political parties and experts in the field of minority issues, this paper concludes that minority women’s involvement in politics is extremely limited and that there are two types of impeding factors. First, structural factors include the type of electoral system, recruitment practices within the political parties, and knowledge of the state language. Second, cultural factors include perceptions of and fear of politics among minority women, and gender prejudice and stereotypes within the minority communities and generally in Georgian society.

Social and Economic Standing of National Minorities in Georgia

Author(s): Diana Bogishvili,Irine Osepashvili / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

According to Article 31 of the Constitution of Georgia, the state shall ensure the equal socio-economic development of the country’s whole territory. Article 2.3 of the Labour Code of Georgia prohibits any kind of discrimination in labour relations based on race, skin colour, language or ethnic and national affiliation. Discrimination is qualified as a direct or indirect oppression of a person with the goal of creating a hostile, degrading or humiliating environment or else creating conditions that would make the standing of the person inferior to that of other persons in similar conditions (Article 2.4), with the exception of cases when inequality of treatment is conditioned by the essence of the performed duty and is serving the lawful goal (Article 2.5). According to the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities Ljubljana Guidelines for successful societal integration, it is essential that all members of the society equally participate in social and economic life. OSCE member states shall provide every individual, regardless of their ethnic origin, with the means to enjoy equal opportunities to participate and contribute to the economy and benefit from the resources and shared wealth of the country.

Access to Information for National Minorities in Georgia

Author(s): Diana Bogishvili,Ana Tsiklauri / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

To ensure safeguarding the rights of national minorities, and their integration in the society, a new State Strategy for Civic Equality and Integration and 2015-2020 Action Plan was developed under the Office of the State Minister for Reconciliation and Civic Equality of Georgia, in 2015. One of the intermediate objectives of this Strategy is improved access to media and information for national minorities. A more detailed overview of this intermediate goal is provided in sub-chapter 2.2 of the State Strategy for Civic Equality and Integration and 2015-2020 Action Plan. Based on the problems mentioned in the introductioon, the goal of the present policy paper was set – to study the current situation regarding the access to information in national minority populated regions of Georgia, and identify difficulties related to access to information.

TABULA GRATULATORIA

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ADDRESSES

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BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOLANTA MŁYNARCZYK

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Wykaz skrótów

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Indeks nazwisk

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