Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian
Keywords: Serbian Media;privatisation of media;
The character of the changes of October 2000 considerably influenced the character of Serbia’s democratization as well. As the new government did not distance itself from Milosevic’s policy, transition in Serbia has been burdened since not only by that policy but also by the same people. That was best mirrored in the media sphere. Given that media freedoms clearly indicate the state of democracy and the rule of law in a state, the media in Serbia have been reflecting an inconsequent social transformation.
Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian
Keywords: ethnic minorities;
Adoption of a minority law was a major precondition to FR of Yugoslavia’s (Serbia’s) admission to the Council of Europe after the change of the regime in October 2000. Ever since the position of ethnic minorities in Serbia has been constantly supervised by international factors such as EU, OSCE and Council of Europe, foreign embassies, as well as by domestic non-governmental organizations. What marked the past nine years were numerous ethnically motivated incidents and the state’s basically inadequate minority policy. Since the “new” political elite persevered in constituting an ethnic state, the situation of national minorities remained high on the agenda for observers of developments in Serbia. Due to a deficient legal frame -- but also due to non-existent will for changing the overall social climate – minorities are still not satisfied with the manner in which the state and the society treat them.
№ 39 - Srbija: postepeno prihvatanje kosovske realnosti
Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian
Keywords: Serbia and Kosovo;
Serbian government elected in spring 2009 retained an ambivalent attitude towards the Kosovo issue – an attitude best reflected in the Democratic Party’s /DS/ slogan “Both Kosovo and EU.” The cabinet relocated “defense of Kosovo” to the domain of the international law (UN, ICJ) intent to either prevent or slow down the process of recognition of the newly born state. The entire initiative is actually an attempt at returning the Kosovo status to a negotiating table and extorting Kosovo’s partition.
Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian
Keywords: Sandzak;Bosniak;Muslims in Serbia;
For over two decades Sandzak – a part of Serbia bordering both on Bosnia-Herzegovina and Montenegro, and mostly populated by Bosniak minority – has been exposed to the state orchestrated, repressive policy aimed at minimizing this minority community. The attitude towards Islam and Muslims in ex-Yugoslavia became harsh and hostile back in 1980s when the Serb elite launched the campaign against Muslims, along with the thesis about “Islamic fundamentalism threatening to destroy Yugoslavia.” The terrain was so prepared for the ensuing genocide in Bosnia the effects of which haven’t bypassed Sandzak Bosniaks either. The attitude towards Muslims has not basically changed since. However, under the pressure from European organizations such as Council of Europe, OSCE and EU, the state has been refraining from overt repression but not from other methods like criminalization of individuals or groups (Vehabits) and, above all, from constant undermining of the Islamic Religious Community as the only Bosniak institution, crucial for their identity.
№ 49 - Beograd i Banja Luka: Zajedno za podelu BiH
Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian
Keywords: Republika Srpska; stabilization of BiH;
Serbia’s attitude towards Bosnia is the biggest stumbling block in the way of regional stabilization. Serbia’s aspirations towards Bosnia date back from the Berlin Congress (1878), annexation crisis in 1908 to present. Serbia’s national elite accepted the Dayton Peace Agreement (1995) as the most optimal achievement against the international backdrop of the time. Ever since Serbia has been pursuing the strategy that has practically incorporated Republika Srpska /RS/ into its economic and cultural space
Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian
Keywords: Serbia's EU Accession;
After three decades of wandering, the defeat of the Greater Serbia project and all the attempts to keep it alive, the Serb elite was divided over a crucial issue: accession to EU. During his two-year premiership (2001-2003) Zoran Djindjic defined Serbia as a European country. Contrary to all expectations, his assassination put this option to death. Extradition of Slobodan Milosevic to the tribunal in The Hague was among Zoran Djindjic’s legacy. And that was a watershed in Serbia’s policy in the years that followed.
№ 52 - Huliganstvo: sa političkog na sportski teren
Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian
Keywords: Serb nationalism; political activism of hooligans; Hooligans and right-wing politics;
Ex-Yugoslavia’s bloody disintegration advanced violence into a way of life. After October 5, Vojislav Kostunica, the Serb Orthodox Church and scores of various organizations were preoccupied with rounding-off an ethnic state and hence reshaped the Serb nationalism. Kostunica’s two premierships were marked by numerous assaults against minority communities (mostly in Vojvodina in 2004-05) – and that resulted in internationalization of the Vojvodina issue. Policy of impunity practically enthroned the model of violence on which new generations were brought up. The value system was distorted and social tensions became a constant. Serbia’s present phase of state-building along the lines of European values faces strong opposition mostly from the groupings that have been particularly active at the time of Kostunica’s premiership. These groupings at still acting along the same lines: legitimization of nationalistic goals.
Almost two decades after the end of the war and fourteen years after the establishment of diplomatic relations, Serbia and Croatia still move from one crisis to another – each reviving traditional and carefully cherished mutual animosities. Belgrade is responsible for such oscillations in the first place: not only when it comes to Croatia but also for the entire region. Official Belgrade recognizes regional realities with leaden step unwilling to acknowledge “new” borders.
Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian
Keywords: Serbia's orietation towards EU; Serbian nationalism;
The Serbian cabinet's decision to apply for EU candidacy in late 2009 was a breakthrough in Serbia's history as a European country. The decision provoked strong, though not necessarily overt, resentment of the anti-European bloc. Apart from populist parties (DSS, SNP, SRS, NS, etc.) the bloc assembles the greatest part of the country's scholarly elite - mostly the circles from the Academy of Arts and Sciences and the University – the Serb Orthodox Church, various right-wing groupings and non-governmental organizations, parts of the Army and most media. This is the same bloc that defined Serb national program in late 20th century, thus confronting the country with the entire world. Premier Zoran Djindjic’s assassination in March 2003 was the most dramatic outcome of the bloc’s anti-Europeanism. The murder of the Premier stalled off Serbia’s orientation towards Europe for almost a decade.
Serbia’s entire political establishment and some other elites – those in the judicial branch in particular – welcomed the transformation of a part of the Serb Radical Party /SRS/ into the Serb Progressive Party /SNS/. There is no doubt that Vojislav Seselj’s inappropriate behavior before the ICTY that compromised SRS was among the reasons why some Radicals decided to form a separate party. Another major reason was to have a two-party system in Serbia, some elites have been striving after. Hence, the new Serb Progressive Party attracted undivided support from the media: with such backing it relatively shortly won over the majority of “old” Radicals and managed to obtain relatively good results in some local elections (for instance, in Vozdovac, one of Belgrade’s municipalities). EU and all foreign observers in Belgrade also welcomed this change of attire.
№ 57 - Konsolidacija kosovske države i reakcije Beograda
Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian
Keywords: Kosovo and Serbia;
After independence declaration Kosovo entered the phase of state consolidation. While trying to prevent it at any cost, official Belgrade channeled all its diplomatic energy into lobbying against Kosovo’s international recognition. Its turning to the International Court of Justice for an advisory opinion about the legality of Kosovo’s independence is meant for the same purpose. What Belgrade really wants to achieve is a fresh round of negotiations with Prishtina, which would hopefully result in Kosovo’s partition: the Northern Kosovo would go to Serbia. Therefore, Serbian media have been more and more playing on the thesis about the Greater Albania. They are invoking the findings of a Gallup poll showing that the great majority of Kosovo Albanians (70 percent) take that Kosovo and Albania should unite, whereas 47.3 percent of interviewees in Kosovo and 39.5 percent in Albania believe this would become true in foreseeable future. Historian Cedomir Antic holds it only logical when it comes to Albanians. In fact, by showing understanding for Albanians’ aspirations Belgrade wants to strengthen its argumentation for Serbs’ demands: partition of Kosovo (as well as for similar feelings when it comes to Republika Srpska).
№ 58 - Rezolucija o Srebrenici: rasprava ipak otvorena
Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian
President Tadic’s initiative for a parliamentary resolution on Srebrenica triggered off a debate that laid bare the proportions of Serbia’s frustration manifested in its denial to face up the recent past, the Bosnian war in particular. The existence of Republika Srpska /RS/ - actually the very fact that it exists for fifteen years now – strengthened the Serb mainstream elite’s belief about full attainment of warring goals being just a matter of time and more favorable international constellation.
№ 59 - Crna Gora: stalna kriminalizacija vlasti u Podgorici
Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian
Keywords: politics and criminal structures; corruption;
Relations between Serbia and Montenegro aggravated after Montenegro’s recognition of Kosovo (October 2008) to which Belgrade responded by expelling the Montenegrin Ambassador. When Podgorica and Prishtina established diplomatic relations (November 2009) Belgrade withdrew its ambassador to Montenegro. Montenegrin President Filip Vujanovic paid an official Belgrade to Serbia in May 2009, but the visit itself did not contribute to full normalization of bilateral relations. Besides, Montenegro definitely opted for Euro-Atlantic integrations and applied for EU candidacy, NATO endorsed a plan of action for Montenegro’s membership (December 2009) and, most importantly, the Montenegrin parliament already adopted a declaration condemning the Srebrenica genocide.
№ 60 - Srbija i svet 2009: Kritična tačka još nije pređena
Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian
Keywords: Boris Tadic: Vuk Jeremic; Milorad Dodik;
Having applied for EU candidacy (in late 2009), the Serbian government made the first real breakthrough in its proclaimed EU-oriented policy that can not be revoked. Besides, the EU annual report was mostly affirmative for Serbia, the EU also unfroze the Transitional Trade Agreement with it, whereas Serbia met the preconditions for the white Schengen visa regime. Taking all this into consideration, it could be said that the year 2009 was more fruitful than the years before at least from the angle of EU integration processes.
Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian
Keywords: Djordje Ivanov; Patriarch Irinej; Macedonian autocephaly and Macedonian statehood;
Macedonia’s statehood, nation or church have been denied by its neighbors ever since its independence. Has it not been for EU, US and NATO it would have been thorn by internal conflicts and, probably, by foreign aggression. However, despite the multitude of domestic problems, Macedonia managed to survive and even obtain EU candidacy and membership of NATO. These are the guarantees of its sustainability and social consolidation. Despite some minor disputes over the borderline, Serbia recognized Macedonia in 1996 under the name of the Republic of Macedonia. But the Serb Orthodox Church /SPC/ still denies the autocephaly of the Macedonian Orthodox Church /MPC/ proclaimed back in 1967. The issue of MPC autocephaly is closely connected with the recognition of the Macedonian statehood
№ 62 - Srbija u začaranom krugu: od Republike Srpske do Kosova
Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian
Keywords: Serbian foreign policy; SEE regional stability;
Serbia’s behavior – notably at international level – is dictated by its proclaimed strategic goals and priorities summed up in the slogan “Both Kosovo and EU.” These are mutually opposed goals and contrary to the criteria and preconditions for EU membership. Controversial behavior at both domestic and international scenes stems from inner tensions and the pressure from the actors who actually determine Serbia’s strategic goals. On the one hand, “realpolitik” (necessitated by the country’s almost catastrophic economic situation in the first place) calls for rationalization of these goals along European course. On the other hand, the once “warring lobby” (patriotic bloc) insists on the attainment of warring goals by legal and diplomatic means. After the fall of Milosevic’s regime this bloc was reinforced with intellectual “followers” of the nationalistic-conservative option.
№ 63 - Srpska Napredna Stranka: Priprema za izbore
Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian
Keywords: SNS; Serb Progressive Party; Aleksandar Vucic; elections in Serbia 2010;
Serb Progressive Party (SNS) is vigorously preparing the terrain for elections – either early on which it insists or regular scheduled for 2012. Its major objectives at this stage are to attract as many as possible voters of Serb Radical Party (SRS) and to demonstrate its power at local elections called in certain towns in Serbia. It has been successful in both up to now. Its weaknesses, however, are in its poor human resources and actually no-existent party program. Up to now its rhetoric has boiled down to populism, social populism in the fi rst place.
Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian
Keywords: Turkey and Balkans; Ahmet Davutoglu; Milorad Dodik;
Over the past year Turkey has emerged as a major factor in the Balkans. Turkish diplomacy mediated not only between some countries – between Serbia and Bosnia-Herzegovina in the fi rst place – but also in sensitive, internal disputes. Serbia has been in the focus of Turkey’s activities as a potential generator of regional instability. This primarily refers to Serbia’s attitude towards Republika Srpska, but also towards Bosnia-Herzegovina as a whole, and its bad relations with neighboring countries. Serbia has been obstructing the process of Kosovo’s international recognition, while the international community has been constantly concerned with its political and religious tensions in its Sandzak region.
№ 65 - Zapadni Balkan i Evropska Unija nakon Sarajevskog stastanka
Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English,Serbian
Keywords: Western Balkans and EU;
The EU – Western Balkans Ministerial Meeting of June 2, 2010 in Sarajevo was a failure in terms of the messages stemming from it. Aft er the Sarajevo meeting the ten-year endeavor to bring the Western Balkans closer to EU looks like a paradox: Europe has never before been farther from the Balkans. Even though the meeting did not close down the region’s perspective for joining the EU, it shift ed the accession accent to the requirements for all new members and their “intensifi ed eff orts to meet the criteria and agreed conditions on their road to the membership.”1 In other words, the EU has set more rigorous criteria for the SAA process.
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