Albanians and the European Social Model. Towards a redefinition of the social contract
Author(s): Sashenka Lleshaj,Alba Çela / Language(s): English
At the beginning of the year 2014 the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung brought into life, together with leading experts of six distinguished organizations and Think Tanks, a long term project. The aim of this project is to create and stimulate a political and social discussion in Albania about the EU Integration. // The starting point of the contemplation was the perspective that Albania desires to be soon a full EU member, with an economic and social developed society. More than 80% of the population aims at this goal. To reach it Albania must fulfil, inter alia, the minimum social standards of the EU ─ the so called European Social Model (ESM). // The project-path is already part of its objective: active involvement of all actors in one common discourse. It is not about finding quick solutions or just an exchange of statements, it rather aims at developing and building up reciprocal trust. Otherwise stated: this endeavour tries, with this genre of public debates, to ameliorate the rapport of actors - Politics, administration and citizens - and to be conducive for a more efficient cooperation in the organization of a social and democratic society. // ISBN: 978-9928-181-29-9
TRADE RELATIONS BETWEEN ALBANIA AND SERBIA (Policy Brief 2016/1)
Author(s): Sokol Lleshi,Dritan Sulçebe / Language(s): English
Keywords: Western Balkans; Trade Cooperation; Central
European Free Trade Association
(CEFTA)
Serbia and Albania are the two largest countries of the Western Balkans and in the same time they exert a major political influence in the region. As such, the relations between these two countries are instrumental for the stability and the future integration of the region into the EU. In this context, the trade relationship between Serbia and Albania will play a crucial role to the further consolidation of the fragile political ties between both countries. There is an understanding that an increased trade inflow, based on the existing trade patterns between Albania and Serbia could provide a momentum and an impetus in the potential economic development and growth. However, structural reforms of the economy are a complementary and necessary aspect of making both economies more competitive, stable and reciprocally advantageous. As a result, the degree of economic interdependence between Albania and Serbia would be based on firmer grounds. The awareness and the willingness of the political elite in normalizing the relations between Albania and Serbia can be buttressed or checked by the potential for economic interdependence.
TOURISM COOPERATION BETWEEN ALBANIA AND SERBIA (Policy Brief 2016/02)
Author(s): Sokol Lleshi,Dritan Sulçebe / Language(s): English
Keywords: Western Balkans; Tourism Cooperation; Regional Cooperation; Albanian-Serbian Relations
Tourism is a powerful tool to bring different countries together.By better knowing one another,people of different cultures and backgrounds will find it much harder to generate feelings of hatred and animosity against each other. Thus, the consolidation of interaction in the area of tourism between Serbia and Albania is very important for the further stabilization of the relations between the countries, since it will not only trigger better economic prospects but it will also positively change the perception that both nations have towards each other.Both Albania and Serbia have concentrated in the last decade to promote a better image of their respective countries by branding themselves as attractive tourist destinations of the Southeastern Europe region.
TRANSPORT LINKAGES BETWEEN ALBANIA AND SERBIA (Policy Brief 2016/03)
Author(s): Sokol Lleshi / Language(s): English
Keywords: Western Balkans; European Union; South East Europe Transport Observatory (SEETO)
Being for quite a long time on the periphery of empires and characterized as a backward region, what is now termed as Western Balkans, manifests existing drawbacks in terms of connectivity with the broader European network of routes, railways, and ports.Despite various differences in terms of infrastructure development and investment, most of the Western Balkan region lags behind compared to other regions or countries in the European Union. Nonetheless,there exist concrete efforts and organizations that encompass projects, policies and initiatives to ameliorate the infrastructural conditions in Western Balkans and enhance the transport cooperation and interdependence among countries within the region and their links with broader transport networks in European Union.
ENERGY COOPERATION BETWEEN ALBANIA AND SERBIA (Policy Brief 2016/04)
Author(s): Sokol Lleshi,Dritan Sulçebe / Language(s): English
Keywords: Western Balkan; Energy Union; Energy Cooperation
The energy sector constitutes one of the most strategic sectors of the economy, which is part of the EU policy recently framed as Energy Union. The Western Balkan is considered an important area for the diversification of the energy production and transmission in Europe. This region increases the chances that the EU attains energy security. It has been a long term concern of the EU to reduce the energy dependency from external countries such as Russia. On the other hand, as in the case of most EU policies, the Energy Union and the relevant acquis on energy aim to initiate market reforms in the energy sector, to reduce the monopoly position of firms and state subsidies, and enhance cooperation on energy trade and exchange between countries as well as aim towards a coal-free energy production in a sustainable environment mostly based on renewable energy.
Since the Thessaloniki Summit of 2003, which constituted a land mark event in showing the commitment of the EU towards the European integration of the Western Balkans,high level initiatives such as the Berlin Process have emphasized a new pathway towards EU accession for the countries of the Western Balkans. The context of the so-called enlargement fatigue and the shift from the regalia principle to a more encompassing policy of connectivity and regional cooperation has provided a novel path of development and a different opportunity for the Western Balkan countries. On the other hand, this particular region has experienced political instability, ethnic conflict and tumultuous transitions to democracy and market economy.In this respect, an improvement in intra-regional cooperation by furthering the ‘Connectivity Agenda’of the EU and fulfilling the SEE 2020 strategy increases the chances of congruence between the regional market and democratic institutions of the Western Balkans with the EU market and institutions.
FINANCIAL COOPERATION BETWEEN ALBANIA AND SERBIA (Policy Brief 2016/06)
Author(s): Elena Pici / Language(s): English
Keywords: Western Balkan; Financial Cooperation
The economic dimension of regional cooperation is a key pillar for achieving an interconnected and developed Western Balkan region.With this regard, strategic policy documents of Western Balkan countries, compiled in collaboration with EU Institutions, underline the objective of establishing a unified regional market in the Balkans.The South East Europe Strategy(SEE 2020), the central platform of economic cooperation in the Western Balkans, focuses on several shared projects in the areas of trade,tourism, transport and energy in order to foster the formation of the regional market.
The necessary return of ideology: Political parties and ideological profile in Albania
Author(s): Enfrid Islami / Language(s): English
Keywords: Albanian Political Parties; Albanian Communist Party; The National Front; Elections
The life of political parties in Albania is a relatively short one compared to other countries in the region. The country only recently celebrated its 100th anniversary of independence. In reality, the country has enjoyed democracy and independence for a far shorter amount of time. The declaration of independence in Vlora in 1912 was followed by internal conflict between different regional groups, foreign invasion, and a constant state of turmoil in which political activity was practically impossible. Even before the declaration of independence, the Albanian political class had shown a high level of inefficiency and unwillingness to come together in the common effort to push forward the issues of Albanian national identity and unity. The series of conflicts which followed the declaration of independence in 1912, including two world wars, resulted in a very hostile environment for political life to flourish in Albania. It took a long time for the country to take full control of its territory and national sovereignty, a must for the development of political parties and organizations.The long period of communist rule that followed from the end of the Second World War, established the tradition of a one party system. For almost 50 years, every political activity except for the ruling Communist Party was illegal, and thus the establishment of a proper multiparty system in the country had to be postponed till after 1991. // This paper will introduce the reader with a short background of political parties in Albania, while focusing on the period after 1991, with the emergence of the multiparty system in the country. The paper aims at providing readers with a profile of the political parties in Albania during the 2013 electoral campaign, the hot issues discussed during the campaign, as well as the position of the main parties on each of these issues. This paper also aims at emphasizing the role of ideology in Albanian politics at the moment, as well as analyzes the evolution of ideology into an important mechanism for Albanian political parties during electoral campaigns throughout the years.
Author(s): Andi Balla,Filip Ejdus,Megi Llubani / Language(s): English
Keywords: Western Balkans; Cooperation; Conflict; European Union; Media Monitoring
The aim of this paper is to modestly contribute to the development and sustainability of relations between Albania and Serbia, by shedding light on current relations in the political, economic and cultural realms and potentials for future improvements. The initiative therefore aims to overpass often wrong perceptions that impede normal political, economic and cultural relations between the two countries. The paper is divided into five parts: Initially we draw attention to the historical background of relations between Albania and Serbia during the past twenty years; the second part is dedicated to the methodology adopted for the study; the third chapter deals with quantitative findings from media monitoring in both Albania and Serbia, and the fourth chapter focuses on qualitative findings retrieved from interviews both in Tirana and Belgrade; finally the paper ends with respective conclusions and recommendations that might serve to the future improvement of relations and, subsequently, perceptions on both sides.
Keywords: Western Balkans; Economic Cooperation; Integration Process
The economic dimension of regional cooperation is a key pillar for achieving an interconnected and developed Western Balkan region. Due to the prolonged economic transition, the high unemployment, especially among the youngsters, and the consideration of WB6 countries as non-functioning market economies, the economic cooperation and integration pillar has in fact topped the agenda of the ‘Berlin Process’ and has consequently received the largest allocation of funds, when compared with the other two –diplomatic and soft- pillars.
Albania in the next ten years – Politics, Economy, Society - Perceptions
Author(s): Maklen Misha / Language(s): English
Keywords: Western Balkans; European Union; Governance; Democracy
Albania in the Next Ten Years marks the conclusion of a twostage project entitled Twenty Years After: Rethinking Democracy and the State in Albania. The aim of the project was to gauge the perceptions of the Albanian public on the period in Albanian history commonly referred to as the ‘transition,’ as well as to understand Albanians’ expectations about the future. The data gathered by this project constitutes a valuable addition to the rich body of data gathered over the years by the Albanian Institute for International Studies through a considerable number of surveys that have, for the most part, focused on the issues of Euro-Atlantic integration, state and institution building, the implementation of democratic standards, and, to a lesser extent, on social issues and the economy. This project is distinct because it is the first attempt to offer an overview of not only the way in which the Albanian public has experienced the post-Communist transition, but also the way in which this experience has shaped their expectations for the future. // The next decade will show whether Albania decides to complete the transition process, or to remain tangled up in the limbo of a hybrid regime. Whereas last year we answered the question “What is Albania like twenty year after the collapse of the communist regime?” this year we try to answer the question “What do Albanians expect for their country in the next ten years?” And as one can expect, given the confusing nature of developments in Albania, the responses given to the survey also show a level of confusion, a combination between pessimism and optimism, satisfaction and dissatisfaction, that would have been hard to understand without taking into account the rollercoaster that has been the last years of life in Albania.
Albania and European Union: Perceptions and Realities
Author(s): Blendi Kajsiu / Language(s): English
Keywords: Western Balkans; Albania and EU;
Albanian Institute for International Studies (AIIS) conducted a survey with Public Administration, Media, Local NGOs and Business groups in Tirana. The aim of the survey was to assess perceptions of and knowledge on European Union and EU integration for Albania. These groups were chosen because they are both immediately responsible for and directly affected by the integration process. // The most obvious finding of the survey was the overwhelming support for Albania’s membership into EU in all the above-mentioned categories. The support levels were very close to 100 % with almost all respondents answering that they would vote for Albania’s membership into EU in a referendum on this issue. The figures speak for themselves; 96.43% in the Media Category, 96.91 % in Businesses and 99.38 % and 100 % in Public Administration and Local NGOs respectively. The high level of support for Albania’s EU membership was also reflected in the fact that respondents in all categories thought that strengthening relations with EU should be the most important priority of the Albanian Government.
THE EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVE OF ALBANIA: Perceptions and Realities 2012
Author(s): Alba Çela / Language(s): English
The Albanian Institute for International Studies (AIIS) brings to the reader the 2012 edition of the yearly survey study ‘The European Perspective of Albania’, an authoritative and established publication, part of the European program which is one of the key programs of the AIIS regular activity. After nine years of carefully collecting, reporting, analyzing and interpreting the perceptions and expectations of the Albanian public related to EU and integration, AIIS has now a valuable experience and has built a solid reputation both with domestic as well as with international institutions referring valuable data and providing practical recommendations in relation to furthering the citizens involvement in the integration process.
THE EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVE OF ALBANIA: Perceptions and Realities 2013
Author(s): Alba Çela / Language(s): English
Keywords: European Integration; EU Commission; International Partnership; Regional Partnership
The Albanian Institute for International Studies (AIIS) has been measuring the pulse of public opinion in Albania regarding European integration since 2003. Through its yearly edition of the national public opinion poll “The European perspective of Albania: Perceptions and Realities” that identifies and interprets the perceptions, evaluations and thoughts of Albanian citizens (selected to make up a fairly representative sample), AIIS has been of assistance with its recommendations stemming from the study to a variety of relevant actors in both Tirana and Brussels. European institutions, their representatives in Albania, Albanian and regional media and actors in government, academia and civil society alike have benefitted from this knowledge and this insight provided every year fitted with comparisons and alerts on emerging trends.
THE EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVE OF ALBANIA: Perceptions and Realities 2014
Author(s): Megi Llubani / Language(s): English
Keywords: EU Membership; European Commission; European Union; EU Integration Process
This report offers a panorama of people’s perceptions in Albania opposite the realities of the European integration process. It does so by gauging these perceptions in several dimensions of the process and tries to understand it from the perspectives of ordinary citizens, who are essential towards achieving the long time goal and aspiration of Albania. These perspectives are faced with the realities of the EU integration process and the challenges and difficulties the country is facing in the path of integration. The results and conclusions are directed to all the political and nonpolitical actors in the Albanian society, with the aim to reflect upon people’s perceptions and expectations as well as what can be further improved.
Lebanon – Resilient, For Now. EU Action Needed as Refugee Crisis Stokes Tensions
Author(s): Jan Daniel / Language(s): English
Keywords: Refugee Crisis;
While the destructive effects of the Syrian civil war have been felt across the Middle East – and beyond – the impact on Lebanon has been exceptionally severe. The scale of the refugee influx raises serious humanitarian concerns but also has the potential to undermine the long-term stability of Lebanon itself. The number of Syrians registered with UNHCR in the country has stabilised at around 1.1 million in recent months, amounting to nearly a quarter of the native population of Lebanon (4.8 million) although NGOs estimate that the actual number could be hundreds of thousands higher. Lebanon has coped remarkably well with the refugee population up to now, but in the longer-term, external assistance is needed. This creates an opportunity for the EU to act in the humanitarian interests of the refugees, the stability of the region and, in so doing, to re-boot the southern dimension of its troubled Neighbourhood Policy (ENP).
The Risks of (Anti-)Muslim Radicalism - Charlie Hebdo, Islamic Minorities and Political Violence in Central Europe
Author(s): Jan Daniel / Language(s): English
Keywords: muslims; islam; radicalism; minorities; Charlie Hebdo;
Although the number of victims was low when compared to the attacks in Madrid in 2004 or in Utøya in 2011, the Paris attacks of January 7th – 9th 2015 had a tremendous symbolic impact that reached far beyond France. The Charlie Hebdo shootings and subsequent hostage crisis have renewed debates about the jihadi threat to Europe and how to fight it, but also about the position of Muslim minorities in Western societies and the relation of tolerance and freedom of speech. While most French and European politicians have been remarkably united and restrained and have been careful to blame the individuals in question rather than the Muslim community as a whole, anti-Muslim and anti-immigration parties and movements (e.g. FN in France and PEGIDA in Germany) have been quick to try and make political capital out of the attacks. Neither Muslim communities, nor anti-Islamic movements are as strong in Central Europe (CE)1 as in Western Europe (WE) and the responses of politicians and populations generally reflect this. However, focusing on security and failing to address potential divides between Muslim and non-Muslim communities politically, could have an inflammatory effect, which would make no one safer.
Rather than deploying ground forces on its Eastern flank, the Alliance needs to embrace more sophisticated deterrence measures to dissuade Russia from its disruptive activities. NATO can do this through increased emphasis on resilience, but it must ensure that it also engages with Russia. The Warsaw summit took place at a time when the Euro-Atlantic community faces diverse security challenges ranging from provocative military intimidation on its doorstep to hybrid warfare and cyber threats as well as instability in several of its neighbouring regions. The deteriorating security environment accompanied by social and political frictions across the transatlantic space led some policymakers (e.g., Polish President Andrzej Duda or Lithuania´s Foreign Minister Linas Linkevicius) to put high hopes into the Summit. Although some expectations were fulfilled (e.g., permanent presence of NATO´s troops on Polish soil and in the Baltic), the result of the meeting is not as ground-breaking as could have been expected.
Since Russia's annexation of Crimea in March 2014 and subsequent deterioration in Russia's relations with the EU and NATO, nuclear deterrence returned to the forefront of debates on European security. NATO leaders are under pressure to re-open NATO's own nuclear deterrence posture. The communiqué adopted at the recent NATO summit in Warsaw pointed to Russia's "irresponsible and aggressive nuclear rhetoric", and explicitly affirmed the role of strategic nuclear forces in NATO's revamped policy of deterrence.
A European Response to Russian Intelligence Activity - Russian spies do not simply gather information, but seek directly to undermine European solidarity, and require a response to match
Intelligence is traditionally considered to be an additional source of data and insights to inform policy makers. However, in recent years it has become increasingly clear that Russia’s spies have adopted – encouraged by the Kremlin – a much more aggressive and active role akin to that assumed by intelligence agencies in time of war.
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