Amendment of the Law on Defence and Law on the Serbian Armed Forces: One step forward, three steps back

Amendment of the Law on Defence and Law on the Serbian Armed Forces: One step forward, three steps back

Author(s): Marko Milošević,Katarina Đokić / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Law on Defence; Law on the Serbian Armed Forces

We have identified some positive trends as well as some missed opportunities and inadequacies concerning the latest provisions to amend the Laws on Defence and on the Serbian Armed Forces. The strengthening of the role of the Defence Inspectorate is certainly commendable. On the other hand, an opportunity has been missed to properly regulate the rights of defence sector unions and the relationship between the military and civil society. There is also room for improvement in provisions governing logistical support, documents pertaining transfers and also disciplinary offences. One of the goals of the forthcoming session of the National Assembly of Serbia will be the amendment of the Law on Defence (henceforth LD) and the Law on the Serbian Armed Forces (LSAF). Even though a new government is yet to be formed, the Ministry of Defence has organised a public consultation on draft amendments of the two laws. We hope to use this opportunity to present and discuss some significant changes the amendments will introduce but also to highlight provisions the legislature has failed to introduce in spite of several years of pressure from the expert community.

FRANCE’S DEFENCE POLICY AFTER THE 2008 WHITE PAPER: FROM THE RETURN TO THE INTEGRATED COMMANDMENT OF NATO TO A STRONGER EUROPEAN DEFENCE POLICY

FRANCE’S DEFENCE POLICY AFTER THE 2008 WHITE PAPER: FROM THE RETURN TO THE INTEGRATED COMMANDMENT OF NATO TO A STRONGER EUROPEAN DEFENCE POLICY

Author(s): Caroline Timon / Language(s): English

Keywords: Defence Policy; White Paper (2008); National Security; NATO; EU

In August 2007, thirteen year after the publication of the last White Paper on Defence, the French President Nicolas Sarkozy set up a Committee whose mission was to draft a new White Paper on Defence and National Security. The goal of such a document is to define the objectives of French defence and security policies for the next years and structure the spending decisions. After a year of consultations the new White Paper on Defence and National Security was finally published on June 17th 2008. In a more unstable and unpredictable world than in 1994, many questions and events have become interlinked and put people in a situation of greater vulnerability while making borders between internal and external challenges fade away. The drastic acceleration of good, services, persons and information exchanges has changed the economic, social and political environment.

EUROPE’S DEFENCE IN TIMES OF AUSTERITY: SPENDING CUTS AS A ONE-WAY STREET?

EUROPE’S DEFENCE IN TIMES OF AUSTERITY: SPENDING CUTS AS A ONE-WAY STREET?

Author(s): Marko Savković / Language(s): English

Keywords: NATO; EU; defence; Military Spending Cuts

Since the beginning of the global economic crisis NATO and EU countries have been called to reassess (and significantly cut down) their defence spending. With the public debt and Eurozone crisis, and economic growth projected to stagnate, pressure on decision makers has increased. So far, their first course of action has been to consider layoffs and termination of contracts, programmes and operations, risking credibility of their forces. In this analysis we consider some of the measures implemented so far, and think of possible alternatives.

IS A MORE ASSERTIVE EUROPE POSSIBLE THROUGH POOLING AND SHARING INITIATIVES?

IS A MORE ASSERTIVE EUROPE POSSIBLE THROUGH POOLING AND SHARING INITIATIVES?

Author(s): Marko Savković / Language(s): English

Keywords: NATO’s Smart Defence; EU’s Pooling and Sharing; European Defence Cooperation

It is hardly rocket science, achieve more by pooling and sharing resources that are already available within many different parts of a complex system. To put it into a perspective, maximum utilization has been one of the mainstays of any production cycle since early days of organised human life. However, for two of the world premier security actors, this presents a daunting paradigm shift. Two ambitious initiatives – NATO’s Smart Defence (SD), and European Union’s Pooling and Sharing (P&S) now face same old issues that have kept European defence cooperation lagging behind other policies for years. Europe’s persistent inability – to live up to its ambitions when it comes to projection of power abroad – has been much lamented before. Strategic “disablers” of EU’s defence are well known. First, policy it is supposed to grow from is not supranational; it is highly dependent on accommodation of diverse and often conflicting national interests. Second, a genuine leap forward in defence capabilities would come at a price exceeding many of members’ abilities, now more than ever.

(UN)PURPOSEFULNESS OF PUBLIC PROCUREMENT FOR THE POLICE

(NE)SVRSISHODNOST JAVNIH NABAVKI ZA POLICIJU

Author(s): Vladimir Erceg / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Procurement; police; Ministry of Internal Affairs

The Ministry of Internal Affairs in Serbia plans to spend 8% of the budget (about six billion dinars) for the procurement of much-needed equipment, uniforms, and technology and to invest in the development of police capacities. Purposeful spending of these funds will significantly improve the work of the police and improve the safety of citizens. That is why it is important to wisely plan and spend every dinar. Improving the expediency of public procurement implies improving efficiency, effectiveness and economy in tenders.

GENDER ANALYSIS: POSSIBILITIES OF APPLICATION IN SECURITY SECTOR

GENDER ANALYSIS: POSSIBILITIES OF APPLICATION IN SECURITY SECTOR

Author(s): Zorana Brozović / Language(s): English

Keywords: Gender analysis; gender studies; security sector

Gender analysis investigates the relationships and differences between men and women in their respective roles, status, position in the society, and privileges. If we understand gender differences, this will enable us to understand the effects that existing or planned policies, programmes, and ways in which services are provided, have on different gender groups, as well as to improve the position of a gender group in less favourable position. Conducting the gender analysis is absolutely necessary in the processes of creating and implementing the strategies and policies since it enables us to take account of their different implications for different gender groups. In this text we will present the development of interest for gender mainstreaming and gender analysis, concrete steps in the implementation of this analysis, and the most significant theoretical-methodological approaches to gender analysis. Possibilities for the application of gender analysis in security sector – when creating and reforming the policies, formulating and revising the legislation, planning the services, and planning and implementing the projects, are presented here below in more detail and appertaining examples are provided.

EUROPEAN UNION COMMON POSITION - Chapter 23: Judiciary and fundamental rights

EUROPEAN UNION COMMON POSITION - Chapter 23: Judiciary and fundamental rights

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

Keywords: European Union; EU accession; Serbia; international relations

With a view to preparing the next meeting of the Accession Conference with Serbia, the Working Party on Enlargement and Countries Negotiating Accession to the EU has reached agreement on a draft European Union common position on Judiciary and fundamental rights. In this light, and in line with the internal arrangements for the negotiations with Serbia (doc. 17977/13), the Permanent Representatives' Committee is invited to adopt the common position as set out in the Annex. Following adoption by the Permanent Representatives' Committee, the EU common position will be made available to Serbia before the next meeting of the Accession Conference.

EUROPEAN UNION COMMON POSITION - Chapter 24: Justice, freedom and security

EUROPEAN UNION COMMON POSITION - Chapter 24: Justice, freedom and security

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

Keywords: European Union; EU accession; Serbia; international relations

This position of the European Union is based on its general position for the Accession Conference with Serbia (CONF-RS 1/14), and is subject to the negotiating principles endorsed therein, in particular: any view expressed by either Serbia or the EU on a specific chapter of the negotiations will in no way prejudge the position which may be taken on other chapters; agreements reached in the course of negotiations on specific chapters, even partial ones, may not be considered as final until an overall agreement has been reached for all chapters; as well as to the requirements set out in points 23, 24, 28, 42, 43, 44 and 48 of the Negotiating Framework. The EU encourages Serbia to continue the process of alignment with the acquis and its effective implementation and enforcement, and in general to develop already before accession, policies and instruments as close as possible to those of the European Union. The EU notes that Serbia, in its negotiating position (CONF-RS 3/16) accepts the acquis under chapter 24 as in force on 1 January 2016 and that it will be ready to implement it by the date of its accession to the European Union.

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE WORKING GROUP FOR FREEDOM, JUSTICE AND SECURITY (CHAPTER 24) OF THE NATIONAL CONVENTION ON THE EU

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE WORKING GROUP FOR FREEDOM, JUSTICE AND SECURITY (CHAPTER 24) OF THE NATIONAL CONVENTION ON THE EU

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Keywords: European Union; Serbia; security; international relations

Within the corpus of the European Union community law (acquis communautaire), negotiation Chapter 24 covers policies in the field of justice, freedom and security. More specifically, this chapter covers policies that mostly fall within the scope of a country’s internal affairs and on which the security of citizens and their access to justice largely depend. Chapter 24 includes a set of regulations that represent the best European practices and standards in areas such as protection of external borders, police cooperation among the Member States, the regulation of migration, judicial cooperation, the fight against terrorism, and other areas essential for the safety of citizens.

GENDER ADVISORS IN THE SERBIAN SECURITY SECTOR

GENDER ADVISORS IN THE SERBIAN SECURITY SECTOR

Author(s): Gorana Odanović / Language(s): English

Keywords: security sector; gender studies; gender equality; Serbia; gender advisor

Mechanisms for introducing a gender equality policy into security sector governance, aimed at bringing about gender-sensitive treatment of women beneficiaries of the security system, are still lacking in Serbia. One way to ensure that gender equality issues are continuously addressed is to create a specific position for an individual whose job would be to advise top management about measures for improving gender equality. The National Action Plan (NAP) for the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 in Serbia envisages the introduction of a gender advisor to the minister/director at the Ministry of Defence, the Ministry of Interior, the Customs Administration, the Security-Information Agency, and the Administration for Enforcement of Penal Sanctions. The advisor’s task would be to advise managers during the process of developing and implementing policies, with the goal of facilitating respect for the rights of women and men, both those employed in the security sector and those who use the services provided by security sector institutions. The same document envisages the inclusion of gender advisors in the composition of Serbian contingents in multinational operations. The intention of this text is to provide a position description, a method for selecting the gender advisor, and the ideal profile of a gender advisor. Conclusions and recommendations are made, based on the experience of other countries and on guidelines provided by participants in a specific round table on gender advisors, organised by the BCSP with the support of DCAF, and in workshops on gender advisors, organised by the BFPE in cooperation with BCSP with the financial support of the OSCE Mission in Serbia, within the framework of the training programme “Introduction of a Gender Perspective into Security Sector Reform”.

Lessons Learned and Forgotten: How the Western Balkans Experience Could Help Libya

Lessons Learned and Forgotten: How the Western Balkans Experience Could Help Libya

Author(s): Authors Various / Language(s): English

Keywords: Western Balkans; Libya; international relations; Middle East and North African region (MENA); security sector

With the Arab Spring shaking the Middle East throughout last year, the international community has found itself involved in a transitional spree similar to the one that occurred in Europe during the nineties. Whether the political transition was accompanied by more violence (like Libya) or less violence (like Egypt and Tunisia) or with or without direct engagement by international forces, these countries now face a crucial and sensitive “stabilization phase” that will determine the extent of future progress towards stability and democracy. Humanitarian issues, dysfunctional or inexistent state institutions and rampant economic crisis are the main characteristics of this phase, whose sensitivity lies mostly in its proneness to renewed conflict. One of the most important tools for stabilization of a state is security sector reform (SSR).

Macedonia’s preparations for civilian contribution to peace operations - the next big thing after the withdrawal from Afghanistan?

Macedonia’s preparations for civilian contribution to peace operations - the next big thing after the withdrawal from Afghanistan?

Author(s): Andreja Bogdanovski / Language(s): English

Keywords: North Macedonia; civilian peace operations; Afghanistan

Probably one of the most exploited phrases by politicians from the Western Balkans when talking about issues on defence reform and international security is that the “countries from the region, from peace importers, have become peace exporters”. Over the years Macedonia has established itself as a country where that export product is mainly through military means. This policy paper aims to put the question of civilian contribution to peace operations on the agenda and advocates increased debate among policymakers and officials. It does not, however, undermine nor support a decrease in Macedonia’s military contribution. The main focus of the text is the identification of advantage areas that Macedonia has developed through the years which could be utilised in the civilian capacities (CIVCAP) 2 model. Therefore the paper lists: 1) policing, 2) media, 3) crisis management and power sharing as Macedonia’s ready to be exported products. It also provides an insight into the ongoing legislative and institutional preparations. While legislation for contribution to peace operations by civilian means is largely in place, what seems to be lacking is a strategic turn towards more civilian contribution. This therefore produces many unknowns about civilian participation among policymakers still making it sound very remote

Bosnia and Herzegovina Civilian Capacities for Peace Operations

Bosnia and Herzegovina Civilian Capacities for Peace Operations

Author(s): Emsad Dizdarević / Language(s): English

Keywords: Bosnia and Herzegovina; Civilian Capacities; civilian Peace Operations

This paper aims to present current situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina related to the civilian capacities1 in the process of building and keeping peace in the world. It will analyse the legislative framework that regulates international cooperation in this regard. Bosnia and Herzegovina already contributes to the peace operations by sending their Military troops in NATO led missions as well as with Police officers in UN led missions. During the last year, Bosnia and Herzegovina has decided to prepare all necessary conditions for sending civilians in missions abroad. In this regard, Council of Ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina has established an inter-agency Expert team. This expert team is created with task to create the proposal regarding to the provisions for implementation of the Partnership Goal 3781 between Bosnia and Herzegovina and NATO “Stabilisation and Reconstruction – Interdepartmental Cooperation.” This Partnership Goal implies sending civilians in peace missions abroad. Since political will for this exist, remaining challenges for Bosnia and Herzegovina are the question how to establish the personal database, the procedures necessary to work with database supposedly to track the status of civilians sent to the missions, as well as the staff training and education.

Attitudes of Serbian Citizens Regarding Relations with Kosovo and Albania

Attitudes of Serbian Citizens Regarding Relations with Kosovo and Albania

Author(s): Maja Bjeloš / Language(s): English

Keywords: Serbia; Kosovo; Albania; public opinion

Relations between Serbia and Kosovo are currently reduced to the EU-facilitated talks in Brussels. The long-stalled talks went “back on track” after the appointment of EU Special Representative Miroslav Lajcak. The resumption of the dialogue was influenced by a different US approach to the Balkans following the presidential election and the appointment of Special Envoy Gabriel Escobar. Despite the international community’s strong desire for the leaders of Serbia and Kosovo to return to the negotiating table, it seemed that Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić and Kosovo’s Prime Minister Albin Kurti were unwilling to take a step forward. Their first meeting in June 2021 in Brussels was not encouraging, as it revealed personal animosities that threatened to bring the dialogue to another impasse. With an accession perspective that includes no date, i.e. without a tangible ‘carrot at the end of the stick’, leaders seem less motivated to make bold decisions. The actors were more engaged in the production and management of a crisis than in taking an effort to reach a final solution and progress towards EU membership. All in all, ten years after the dialogue began, there is little room for optimism as relations between Serbia and Kosovo are now at their lowest level. Many agreements have not been fully implemented, while the implementation of Brussels’ provisions concerning the association of Serb-majority municipalities is still pending.

Balkan Csárdás: Hungarian Foreign Policy Dance

Balkan Csárdás: Hungarian Foreign Policy Dance

Author(s): Authors Various / Language(s): English

Keywords: Hungary; Hungarian Foreign Policy; Western Balkans; international relations; regional relations

As part of the overall focus on the democratic backsliding in Hungary since Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz reassumed power in 2010, numerous international observers have expressed concern regarding increasing Hungarian influence in the Western Balkans.1 Specifically, many fear that through intensified meddling in Western Balkan affairs, Orbán’s Hungary would spread its illiberal influence throughout the region and subsequently undermine broader EU policy. In 2019, the process leading to the appointment of Olivér Várhelyi (a Hungarian diplomat close to Orbán) to the position of the European Commissioner for Neighbourhood and Enlargement garnered a salvo of criticism.2 While this incident briefly attracted the European media floodlights to the topic, the issue of Hungarian influence in the region of the Western Balkans quickly faded into a relative obscurity. Apart from few exceptions and a handful of journalistic accounts (which will be quoted extensively throughout the study), there are little to no attempts to analyse and explain Hungarian foreign and trade policy in the Western Balkans. This paper is one of few all-encompassing efforts to explain Hungarian policy and involvement in the Western Balkans, and it attempts to do so by asking the following questions: What interests and strategic considerations drive Hungarian foreign and trade policy in the region? What are Hungarian foreign policy priorities and what instruments does Hungarian foreign policy have at its disposal in the region? Is Orbán’s Western Balkan policy marked by a total discontinuity with regards to previous Hungarian foreign policy towards the region? Who formulates foreign policy priorities in Hungary and what is the interplay between formal and informal actors? What economic interests shape Hungarian foreign policy in the region? What is the role of ideology in Hungarian foreign policy in the Western Balkans? How much has Hungarian foreign policy in the region changed as a result of war in Ukraine? To answer these questions, this paper is divided into four main sections. The first focuses on Hungary’s foreign policy strategy in the region. The second, as a special case study, investigates the effects of Orbán’s minority politics in Serbia’s Autonomous Province of Vojvodina (Vajdaság in Hungarian). The third, researching Hungarian media empire in the region, and finally the fourth focusing on the economic drivers of Hungary’s approach in the region.

HOW MUCH DOES PUBLIC SAFETY COST US? - Analysis of budget items of police services in Bosnia and Herzegovina

HOW MUCH DOES PUBLIC SAFETY COST US? - Analysis of budget items of police services in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Denis Hadžović,Benjamin Plevljak / Language(s): English

Keywords: public safety; police system; police budget; Bosnia and Herzegovina

In Bosnia and Herzegovina, there are 16 police agencies organized on different levels of governance, and 5 more institutions closely connected to police activities. Such a complicated police system is a reflection of the constitutional and social-political order in BiH. The goal of the presented analysis is to show how much of the budget is being allocated to finance the police structures in BiH. The analysis contains ten cantonal and two entity ministries of interior, Police of Brčko District, Ministry of Security BiH and its seven administrative organizations.1 Concerning the time of the research, the budget costs in 2011 and 2015 were analyzed. The time gap of four calendar years provides basis to identify trends and consumption dynamics important for the functioning of the above mentioned institutions. Primary sources of data used in the research are audit reports for 2011 and budgets of different government levels for the year 2015.

GLOBAL AND REGIONAL ORDER. Media influence of foreign powers in Bosnia and Herzegovina

GLOBALNI I REGIONALNI POREDAK. Medijski uticaj stranih sila u Bosni i Hercegovini.

Author(s): Denis Čarkadžić / Language(s): Bosnian

Given that it is about the influence of foreign "powers", it should first of all be pointed out that it is about the geopolitical context, that is, about geopolitical forces. Which countries can be considered geopolitical powers is a subject of debate, and one of the most famous divisions in this sense was offered by the American geopolitician and geographer Saul Bernard Cohen. Determining states based on their share in the distribution of power, Cohen divides them into five groups or classes. In the first class is the only global geopolitical power, the United States of America, and powers such as the Russian Federation and China. In the second class, according to Cohen, are supraregional powers such as Brazil and India, while in the third class are countries such as Turkey, Iran, Egypt and Germany. States of medium size, which are developed and have a certain influence, belong to the fourth class, while in the last, fifth class, there are small countries with little or no influence.

Economic Perspectives of the European Integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina

Ekonomske Perspektive Europskih Integracija Bosne i Hercegovine

Author(s): Faruk Hadžić / Language(s): Bosnian

The purpose of this analysis is to show, through the economic dimension and indicators, the significance of Bosnia and Herzegovina's cooperation, first with the countries of the European Union, and then with Russia and China, in order to assess their importance and contribution in the economic sense. To assess the level of importance of cooperation with the mentioned countries, the indicators of gross domestic product per capita, the volume of foreign trade and the level of direct foreign investments were used. The regional aspect according to individual indicators was also specially processed, in order to look at the regional dimension and draw conclusions about the speed of progress of Bosnia and Herzegovina from an economic perspective with the countries of the European Union.

PEACE AND SECURITY: Effects of Russian opposition to NATO expansion: The case of Bosnia and Herzegovina

MIR I SIGURNOST: Efekti ruskog protivljenja širenju NATO-a: Slučaj Bosne i Hercegovine

Author(s): Alija Kožljak / Language(s): Bosnian

Keywords: Russia and Western Balkans;

Today's complex security environment undoubtedly requires a more comprehensive response to modern multidirectional, both conventional and asymmetric threats. NATO, as the most relevant security alliance, a few years ago, realized the need for development and application of the concept of cooperative security, which goes beyond collective security defense, but also the traditional understanding of security. This concept enabled the establishment of new partnerships, more far-reaching promotion of security, but also further expansion of NATO, which greatly disrupted the long-standing geopolitical balance. Recovered from the post-Cold War era crash, the Russian Federation is again looking for an opportunity for global relevance, and one of the key challenges is stopping further expansion of NATO to the East. In this context, and to a large extent, they can also consider Euro-Atlantic integration processes in the Western Balkans. Bosnia and Herzegovina, as the only official aspirant for NATO membership meets with numerous external and internal challenges, which significantly affect the progress of NATO integration. This subject study more concretely analyzes the effects of opposition from the Russian Federation expansion of NATO, demonstrating numerous examples of activities and instruments of action, which explain the essence Russian influence in the Western Balkans. Accordingly, the case study of Bosnia and Herzegovina will be used, analyzing application of the strategy of the Russian Federation to achieve own national interests. Russian Federation uses the weaknesses of the institutions in BiH, and the shortcomings of the foreign policy engagement of the "West", in order to expand its spheres of influence, and prevented NATO integration processes. Research fills a gap in the foreign policy analysis literature and geopolitics, especially the one dealing with NATO integration. Data will be collected using qualitative research methods and secondary research. Keywords: NATO integration, Russian Federation, Bosnia and Herzegovina

PEACE AND SECURITY: Evropske Integracije Bosne i Hercegovine pod prijetnjom sekuritizacije

MIR I SIGURNOST: Evropske Integracije Bosne i Hercegovine pod prijetnjom sekuritizacije

Author(s): Lejla Ramić-Mesihović / Language(s): Bosnian

European integration remains the only process about the importance of which there is consensus among the general public in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Although support for certain aspects of this process fluctuates, the success of European integration completes the vision of BiH as part of a large market, with great opportunities for education, employment, trade and positive interactions that promote growth and stability. The context, which would turn the implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement into a state of frozen conflict while satisfying the minimum of predictability and stability, proves to be more of a convenient response to the needs of daily politics, than an adequate environment for the requirements of long-term, consistent and strategic action, which is the backbone of integration into the EU . After the start of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the stabilitocratic insistence on the status quo is now paying off in the form of an attempt to subordinate the European perspective of BiH to securitization, at the cost of a significant improvement of the situation and life in the country. The price of stagnation, which in processes such as European integration, can never essentially be, is the most visible and measurable in this phase in relation to the implementation of the 14 priorities derived from the Opinion on BiH's ability and readiness for EU membership.