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Advertising is becoming globalized. As the world is more interconnected, advertising discourses occupy new spaces in consumers’ minds. This article highlights some of the new strategies employed by advertising creators and their struggle against communicative saturation. The distracted minds of consumers are increasingly inaccessible to their strategies. Consumers, hyper-connected minds are now affected by advertising campaigns that appeal to the most basic part of our instincts. The process is the same, regardless of the advertising medium or distribution channels. The article proposes an analysis of the phenomenon through different examples from everyday life. The examples have a global reach and are representative of a global trend.
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Our study is based on the measurements performed by The Transmedia Romanian Audit Bureau (BRAT), during the 2002-2014 timeframe, a period chosen in order to observe the changes that the media offer in Romania has been going through. We present here the dynamic of the media consumption, including the access to the new information and communication technologies. The Internet consumption performs an important role, because here is where we find the explanations regarding the changes that took place in the cultural/media consumption. A secondary analysis, performed over the database of the National Library (The Legal National Repository), has allowed us to evaluate the state of the written press in the recent years. We also present the evolution of the written publications’ circulation and the trends that have manifested in mass media.
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Convergence of multimedia content involves the unification of several media channels through a technology, and it is in a state of continuous transformation driven by the technological evolution. Recently developed, mobile and wireless technologies have facilitated new forms of convergence that permit users to consume information. Although media convergence involves many aspects, this paper considers just the perspective of technological convergence. The subject of this article is mobile sites created as a consequence of the convergence based on mobile technologies and devices. This paper shows new forms of media convergence designed by the mobile technologies. It presents and discusses theoretical aspects of this topic, and also describes practical solutions adopted by the media industry in Romania. The methodological solution is based on hierachical cluster analysis to group similar mobile sites based on their characteristics. The results of this study show that mobile technologies bring a new perspective to media.
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This paper focuses on the use of mobile technologies and their ability to engage audiences in a new type of exploration that enriches the museum experience. The rapid expansions of media technology, the universal access to the Internet, the continuous online presence in the social media are fundamentally changing the cultural experience. In the entertainment and the new museum era, the issue is no longer whether new media and technologies should be used by cultural institutions (more precisely, in this article, museums), but how they may be used so that they heighten the visitor experience. Therefore, we will explore the new relationship between technology and museums and the ways in which newly emerging technologies such as augmented reality could be used in order to transform the audience’s encounter with culture.
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In the second part of the article the origin of some place names mentioned in Old Russian chronicles and derived from personal names is considered: Воронач (Voronach) (and other forms) < Воронъ ‘raven’ + the formant * ačь; Гостень (Gosten’) < Гостенъ ( а) + the possessive formant * jь; Дубечин (Dubechin) < *Дубека (this name is not attested, but both the stem дуб ‘oak’ and the suffix ека occur in the Old Russian anthroponomastics) + the formant ин ; Кличен (Klichen) < Кличь (< кличати ‘shout, cry (out)’) + the formant ьн ; Коложе (Kolozhe) < Колода (< колода ‘log, tub, etc.’) + the formant * j ; Лыщиково (Lyshchikovo) < Лыщикъ (< лыскати ‘smile’) + the formant ов ; Онеги Спасские и Юрьевские (Onegi Spasskie I Yur’yevskie) < *Онhгъ – the hypokoristic derivative from the compound anthroponym like *Něgomirъ, *Něgoslavъ, *Něgovojь with the prothetic O – in the plural form (the existence of this name is confirmed by the fact, that the possessive adjective, derived from it, has been kept in the anoikonym (О)нhгова поляна); Рознеж (Roznezh) < Рознhг(ъ), attested only in one of the Novgorod birch letters, + the formant * jь, and others.
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Antoni Sagan was born in 1894 in Warsaw. He was a railwayman. Since the day of evacuation he kept a diary. Having lived for a month in a railway carriage, transferred from one place to another he chronicled events, experiences, thoughts. A part of his memoirs portreys economic side of life in these atypical conditions – prices and type of purchases as well as other expenses paid throughout the journey. They reveal author’s interests and likings, economic conditions of migrants and residents of the land traversed. The chronicle is of great historic value. Written during wartime it concerns a group of people united by a common fate of peregrination through the west part of the Russian Empire, entirely dependent on the incomprehensible decisions of the railway authorities. During the journey the author begins to see the signs of war, although he almost doesn’t experience it himself at this particular time. On the one hand the diary provides comments on the situation and events, on the other hand – describes and analyses the inner state of the narrator, his suffering about not having heard from his relatives left in Warsaw. After many ordeals Sagan delivered the railway assets he was given charge of and set off for Moscow.
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Considered are peculiarities of the song tradition in the area of Dvina and Neman rivers’ basin (DN). The area requires individual study since it performs specific features within its most archaic layer of the harvest song’s melos. This is the most extensive tradition of three known harvest song traditions of Belarus, the other two being the Polessie region and the Sozh river area. The whole DN regional tradition is marked with a specific type of singing, which is – a type of incantations where a system of dynamic and emphatic accents is presented as the typical and the most important factor. This system predetermines the syntax of basic tones in the conjuration song tunes. Marked out is a circle of songs that comprise the nuclear of the DN macrotradition and refer to a single and solid cultural and historical layer. Such songs are combined by their common lexis, namely, by the same poetic and melodic structures, such as: sung double iambus, rhythmical or melodic¬ rhythmical fanfare figure, and “female” pentasyllabic verse. Besides the root DN lexemes, the song tunes with yet ascertained genealogy are found in the given region. Among those, there are tunes based on the rhythm of tetrasyllable structure, such as ascending ionic and choriambus. Represented is a modal and melodic dynamics of the DN complex. The findings of the research can be expounded in the light of Baltic¬ Slavic ethnic genesis theory.
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The text is a transcript of a conversation with an ethnolinguist Wiaczesław Werenicz, a professor in the Department of Linguistics of Belarusian Academy of Sciences, the initiator of a research on borderland Polish dialects in Lithuania and Belarus. Recorded on 27th June 1997, it was carried out in Polish with some interference in Russian and Belarusian. The text was organized language wise without changing the meaning of the statement. It was not authorized due to professor’s death in 1999. The main subject of the interview was Belarus and Belarusians – their history, culture and language. The crucial question was whether Belarusians are a nation or not. Werenicz mentioned numerous historical facts, both from Belarusian and universal history, as well as contemporary facts and people e.g. politicians. Werenicz analyzed current political situation critically, bringing up good and bad points. He did not forejudge it though. He pointed out the changeable nature of the process of identity building in Belarus. Expressing his own point of view Werenicz let the interviewer – and now a reader – draw his/her own conclusions. The interview includes some facts from professor’s personal life which can serve as telling examples of the social and political complexity of contemporary Belarus.
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A Polish scholar Halina Turska had been conducting research of the regional variation of Polish in Vilnius region for a few years before World War II broke out. At that time she recorded a significant number of words from which about a thousand and a half words have remained in a part of her monograph until now. A comparison of the vocabulary of H. Turska’s works and the set of vocabulary excerpted in the same area half of a century later – in the years of 1987 – 2001 was made in the article. The comparison suggests that the vocabulary of Polish dialects functioning in Vilnius region changes significantly. The greatest changes were in the borrowed vocabulary, especially from Lithuanian, in the rural lexis. A number of names disappeared as a result of collectivisation, liquidation of individual farms and mechanisation of agriculture. Instead, vocabulary reflecting new reality, mainly of Russian origin appeared. Well preserved were only those lithuanisms which are widespread and present not only in Vilnius region but also in the whole ethnic Belorussian territory and in dialects of Podlasie as well. Another significant change is the loss of Lithuanian and Belorussian phonetic and morphological features. Since the inter-war period the vocabulary of Vilnius region has been enriched significantly by words and phrases from general Polish as a result of popularisation of education (eradication of illiteracy) and wide range of mass media, e.g. from Poland. In relation to the lexemes fixed in the analysed Turska’s works, in the layer of active vocabulary of the Northern Borderland c.a. 14% lexemes were not evidenced.
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The article contains a linguistic analysis of cases present in Polish texts coming from north¬ west borderlands, where a genitive and prepositional attribute is placed before an attributed noun. The discussion was stimulated by the fact that many Polish interwar publications printed in Kaunas included several dozen attributes employed in a peculiar inversion e.g.: zaocznego sposobu nauczania instytucja “Samokształcenie” była założona w roku 1931; Nauczyciel siedział na katedrze i słuchał uczniów lekcji; na głowę zakładali skórzaną z rogami czapkę. The analysis showed that in the 20th century northern¬ borderland Polish language variety, pre¬ positioning of genitive attribute appear in the vast majority of cases in texts originating from the so¬ called indigenous Lithuania and reflect syntactic structures characteristic of the Lithuanian language (compare Lithuanian constructions and their Polish equivalents: Onos namas – Anny dom or Jules Leles – Juli lalki). Pre positioning of this type of attributes was, as late as in the 19th century, a standard procedure and was retained longer in the borderlands known for their conservatism. Beside this, inversion was, and in fact still is, used as a stylistic measure. Peculiar attributes placed before nouns, appearing numerously in texts of north¬ borderland origin written in areas where there was no influence on the part of the Lithuanian language, e.g. in Wspomnienia dzieciństwa (Childhood Memories) by Franciszek Mickiewicz, brother of the poet (e.g. pawłogrodzkiego huzarów pułku; Wileńskiego Uniwersytetu Profesorowie) are not, as it seems, an individual feature of this memoirist’s style, but rather more general property of “borderland writing”, festive, solemn and exceptionally strongly rooted in tradition.
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Historian E. Ochmanski was the first to introduce the statement about Baltic heritage in Oboltzy region (Tolochinski and Sennenski rayons of Vitebsk region (Oblast). He considered that the Oboltzy Baltic heritage is autochthonous by nature. A.P. Nepokupny considered that the Lithuanian occupation of Oboltzi is the most trustworthy as well as the occupation of other West Slavonic lands. The article presents and investigates the data of the complex investigations in 2006 the main aim of which is to prove the E. Ochmanski hypothesis as well as to find new data in the above mentioned region. Combination of field investigations together with the historic and linguistic archive files permitted us to find some new aspects of the Baltic-Slavonic relations on the territory of Western Belarus. Аncient settlement situated on the left tributary of the river Obolianka near Kleban village(its historic name is Old Oboltzy) is became one of the most significant discoveries (pic 1). By its appearance and analogies in Vitebsk Podvinie and Orsha Podniprovie the settlement can be attributed to the third quarter of the 1st millennium AD. The question of its earlier and late existence is still opened. 0,3 km. to the West of the settlement on the bank of the same Obolianka tributary there is a place where the Catholic Oboletzky church was situated till the middle of the XX century (pic 2,3). Due to archaeological data the cultural layer contains ceramics of the XIV–XVI centuries and overgrowth. This allows us to consider though with some hesitation that the Oboletzky court of the Greate Lithuanian King Jagailo was situated here. Taking into consideration the fact that the Greate King Yagailo was the founder of the Oboltzy Cherch in 1387 the remains of the first Cathilic church can also be found here. Taking into consideration the above mentioned it can be considered that in XIV–XVI centucies Oboltzy administrative, political and cultural center in the upper river Obolianka stream was founded by the Kings of the Greate Principality of Lithuania not on a spear (not occupied) place but on the place of the previously reinforced settlement that was the center of the tribal or perhaps even early state era. While investigating interconfessional relations in Oboltzy it was discovered that interrelations between anthroponomy of the Baltic origin and the Catholic religion (that is typical for central part of Belarus) does not fully correspond in case of Oboltzy. This fact made it significantly difficult to find the Baltic heritage in Oboltzy. That is why we analyzed the linguistic, chronological and geographic analyses of the anthroponomy.
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The present article analyses the features of a language occurring in the border. The results were achieved by using the ethno-linguistic method, which is based on the systematic analysis of the ritual structure and vocabulary. The object of the analysis was a little fragment of the spiritual culture – the winter period of the ritual year. The structure of the ritual was established according to the methodology as well as the terminology of rituals, which includes several lexical-semantic microfields, was analyzed. The research was carried out nearby Vilnius (region of Vilnius, partly Širvintai and Molėtai) and also in the regions close to Byelorussia (Šalčininkai and Švenčionys). The results achieved were compared to the appropriate Polish, Lithuanian and Byelorussian data. The findings show that the influence of various cultures is obvious in the formation of the rituals near to the border. These cultures as if layers affect each other and are originated from the different periods of the existence of a cultural community in the given territory. Similarly to the stratification of languages, the particular elements of the ritual system co-exist: the Lithuanian substratum rituals, Byelorussian old and new rituals, as well as Polish church and secular traditions are well preserved.
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One of the most poetic sections of Latvian and Eastern Slavonic songs is the cycle of songs containing orphan’s complaints to her descendent mother (rarely to father) for her hard life with a stepmother. In these songs – complaints of orthodox (Eastern Slavonic) and catholic (mostly Latvian) orphans from Latgale even the specific subject, which is connected with the wedding ceremony of blessing before leaving to the church. Just and only in Latgale (solitary Latvian variants recorded in Vidzeme, Kurzeme, Zemgale have been brought here by Latvians migrating from Latgale) an orphan’s song connected exactly with this rite of blessing the orphan is very popular. Such Latvian songs are notable by their distinct logic composition, amazing monotony of variants, different only in some insignificant details. Such monotony of Latvian songs appears also in songs’ beginnings and descendent mother’s replies containing the clarification of reasons due to which it is necessary to fulfill the orphan’s request. These replies usually come to “three locks” that have locked the descendent mother or father. These keys are – grass (the turf or in some cases green or white birches), yellow sand and a coffin board. In many songs the functions of each lock are listed as well as the attempts to remove those by orphan’s appeal to the wind, storm, rain, thunder and even to a “white bull-calf”, which calls upon to eat green grass, to disperse (spread) yellow sands, to break the coffin board. Such “locks” (just “locks”, not “barriers”) of Eastern Slavonic are popular only among Byelorussians of Latgale and adjoining regions of former Vitebsk province. The more to the South and the East of Byelorussia, the more and more seldom such “locks” may be met in songs. Although in Russian songs, the image of locks exists only in variants that were recorded in Latgale and in Lithuania. Such variants may be considered as borrowed from Byelorussian. In Russian songs the image of orthodox churches prevails as well as the appeals of clergymen to a church bell by striking which an orphan or her brother try to awake the descendent parents. At the same time the direct talk of an orphan with the God does not exist in Russian songs, but may be met mostly in Byelorussian and Latvian songs, in which not only the God, but also angels participate in orphan’s blessing. Along with songs containing the motive of three locks-barriers, both in Byelorussian and Latvian-Latgalian variants there exist such plots in which only the motive of the meeting of an orphan and the God, her appeal to the God and to nature’s forces with the appeal to dry the grass, to break a coffin board, to let her mother leave the heavens and the next world are still kept. In conclusion it should be mentioned that in the songs of all three nations there are also many other motives which open the relations between an orphan, her descendent parents and strange people, mostly an evil stepmother...
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