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The article deals with the changed meaning of words – a consequence of the Holocaust. During the war “ordinary” and “innocent” words were used to describe successive stages of murdering people. It is difficult to find suitable words for describing the experiences of the Holocaust but new words connected with Shoah continue to appear. Problems with using words and the emergence of new terms reflect those connected with the transmission of mourning between generations. The author proposes a hypothesis claiming that members of the “third generation” – the grandchildren of the victims, perpetrators and witnesses – are ready to go through mourning, which could restore the correct meanings of words. This does not signify putting an end to the period of mourning. In the case of the Holocaust there exists a constant need for mourning, described by Derrida as demi-deuil, i.e. remaining in a position “between” – an oscillation between incorporation and introjection. Such a oscillation can also pertain to words, which can alter their meaning – they can be a thing or a symbol.
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I am incapable of telling all this and explaining anything. I am even unable to come close to the experiences of the children from the Medema sanatorium and their carers, regardless which one of the women accompanied them on the last way. Joseph Conrad once wrote: “I have given up expecting those last words, whose ring, if they could only be pronounced, would shake both heaven and earth”. In an excellent essay about the Ringelblum Archive Krzysztof Środa declared: “A few hours of reading suffice to understand that this man of, it seemed, excellent taste – I am not sure I can handle the topic – is compromising. After all, what would have happened if Emanuel Ringelblum started to wonder whether he could manage to rise to the topic? If all those people who helped him started to think about this? If Rachela Auerbach contemplated this? It is obvious what would have happened. They would have acknowledged that they could not manage. And no Archive would have come into being”. I take the risk, therefore, of ceasing to look for Conrad’s “last” words and Adina Blady-Szwajger’s words that shout, and attempt to build sentences simple and free from the “pathos of adjectives and the pomposity of epithets”, as Bruno Schulz wrote. It would be best of all if adjectives and epithets simply did not exist. It is also extremely important to completely avoid adverbs. And not to say: “They went passively”, “they went of their own free will” or “like sheep to the slaughter”. When the world was coming to an end there were no other words than the ones we know so well. Only they can help us to evoke those who passed through life so rapidly and quietly that history almost failed to notice them: those children from the Medema sanatorium and their carers – dark haired Tola, fair haired Hendusia, and Rozalia, who in her youth was known as Rejzele.
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Beit to druga litera hebrajskiego alfabetu i to właśnie od niej zaczyna się Tora. Nie od pierwszej litery, alef, która jest zarazem pierwszą literą imienia Bożego – Elohim. Bóg zaczął stwarzać świat od drugiej litery. Czy to nie ciekawe?
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This story shows looks into the problems related to the presence and purpose of humour in Jewish folklore In the course of the analysis the writer studies the circumstances of the birth of the phenomenon of Jewish humour analysed based on surviving records, chiefly coming from East-Central Europe from the fin de siècle period. Then the author refers to the place of humour in the life of the traditional Jewish community, taking into account its special characteristics and the rapport with the surroundings. Meanwhile, the last part of the text deals with sources dating back to the times of the Holocaust and the latest attempts to analyse this topic. While the author’s attention is focused on matters related to the Jews’ culture, all the issues raised here could well serve farther reaching comparative studies. However, due to an early stage of the research, the article focuses on an evaluation of the discourse so far and on a presentation of the main trends emerging from a preliminary analysis of the source materials.
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The expedition of two envoys from Institutum Judaicum et Muhammedicum w Halle, Georg Widmann and Johann Andreas Manitius, to Płock took place at a time of Messianic agitation in the Jewish community connected with the prophecies of salvation in the year 5500 (1740). In Poland the main prophet of the Messianic campaign connected with 5500 was Yaakov Mordechai ben Naftali Ha-Cohen, the rabbi of Płock and at the same time the land rabbi of Wielkopolska, whom the envoys of Institutum Judaicum of Halle set out to meet on their first mission. In the spring of 1728 Yaakov Mordechai had an illumination, which concerned his forthcoming salvation. His supporters communicated in in letters mailed from Płock to all the major Jewish communities of Poland and Europe. The rabbi predicted the messianic breakthrough in the year 5500 (1740). When in May 1728 Widmann learned about the messianic prophecies of the Płock rabbi, he immediately travelled to Płock to meet him. Widmann managed to persuade Callenberg, the founder of Institutum Judaicum, to organize a missionary expedition to Płock, but the expedition and the debate with the rabbi, described at length in the diaries, ended in a fiasco. According to Widmann’s testimony, the Płock rabbi died in 1735, depressed by the excommunication placed on him for liaising with Christian missionaries, among other sins.The missionary diaries have not been published so far. Now we are starting to publish in four instalments the full text of the missionaries’ diaries from their first peregrinations over Poland in the years 1730-1731. The first step is the diary, kept alternatively by the two men, from 1730 from the journey across Wielkopolska to Gdańsk. The text appears without any omissions, also indicating the author’s corrections and deletions, and at a few locations also segments that are illegible or incomprehensible. The footnotes are in German as they are meant for the readers of the diaries, who would be persons having command of the language.
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Our study aims to review the involvement of the far-right Legionary Movement from workers' centers in Bucharest, in the pogrom of January 21 to 23, 1941, by using archive materials. The increase in size of the Legionary Workers’ Corps (Corpul Muncitoresc Legionar – CML), enjoyed by the Legion from within the workers’ masses in Bucharest, during the months they governed the country, meant that, in the confrontation with the army, which was faithful to Antonescu, Legionary workers were a major part of the rebel forces. Also, the perpetrators of looting and murders that took place during the pogrom that doubled the Rebellion, belonged to the Legionary organizations. The article analyzes the involvement, in the events of January 1941, of legionaries who worked at the Bucharest Tramway Company (Societatea de Tramvaie Bucureşti – STB.), the General Gas and Power Company (Societatea Generală de Gaz şi Electricitate – SGGE), the Communal Plants of Bucharest (Uzinele Comunale Bucureşti – UCB), the "Distribution" (“Distribuția”) Company for the distribution of oil products in Bucharest and the "Dumitru Voina" metallurgical enterprise. Although these were far from being the only centers that had strong Legionary organizations, whose members participated in the Rebellion, their scrutiny can show the organizational dynamics and workers’ involvement strategy used by the Legionary Movement during the time of the National Legionary State, during the Rebellion and the Bucharest pogrom.
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During the communist period, the history of the Romanian occupation of Transnistria has been falsified, perverted and distorted. At the same time, in the historiography of Romanian Holocaust, the topic of punishing war crimes has been neglected for a long time. With minor exceptions, even after 1989, the subject did not benefited from a professional perspective because of the lack of sources and also because of the disputes over the traumatic memory from the period 19401989. The attempt to rehabilitate some important figures of war criminals revealed the contradiction between the competitive martyrology and the professional manner in which history should be written. Over the last decades, in the Western historiography the concept of “political trial” received various interpretations. The organization of the trials of war criminals by totalitarian states or by states where dictatorial regimes were about to come to power gave birth to the idea that a “surgical” approach to each judiciary action could offer a balanced way for approaching the topic. The special courts in Romania – People’s Tribunals – created in 1945, functioned in a complicated context and the collective trials organised under their patronage were accompanied by multiple controversies. Given the fact that Romania administered Transnistria, the special tribunals had to deal with the crimes and atrocities committed, during Romanian occupation, against Romanian deported Jews, Ukrainian Jews and Roma. In the three trials that took place between May and July 1945 and which are being analysed in this article, I tried to thoroughly investigate the manner in which the tribunal administered justice. I tried to examine the trials in detail referring to the way in which judicial actors played their role before the court in order to find the truth about de crimes and abuses committed in the districts of Odessa, Golta, Berezovka, Râbnița, Oceakov, Jugastru. In the end, the goal was to offer a broad picture about Romania and its political justice in the postwar period.
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It is a fact, that the Holocaust of European Jews has marked in various ways the Jewish diaspora and the Jewish presence worldwide. In the case of the Jews who live in Greece and especially in the city of Thessaloniki, though the Community delayed to break silence about this traumatic historic event, this fact was never let slip from memory. In the public sphere of action, the updating of Holocaust takes place through community actions at first hand and, later, through initiatives from local authorities, by making mnemonic and memorial donations. For the past seventy-four years, Holocaust inheres as a memory in three post-war Jewish generations in Thessaloniki and seals diversely the identity of the social subjects. This mnemonic event in collaboration with the social and politic developments and turmoils, describes the identity of the Jewish element, both directly and indirectly. The presentation will be focused on qualitative empirical data of fieldwork, from a sociological analysis perspective. More specifically, in this paper it will be explored the way in which, the Holocaust of the Greek Jewry emphasizes on the individual and collective responsibilities and, at the same time, it’s function as a contemporary conservation mechanism of the Jewish identity, a cohesive bond of the Greek-Jewry in Thessaloniki.
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This paper aims at exploring the way in which the official press of the Romanian Orthodox Church presented and discussed some aspects of the National Legionary State (14 September 1940 – 14 February 1941) such as war, Legionary Movement, Jewry (situation of Jews, attempts to address the Jewish Question). It argues that contrary to the tradition of relating to political power and to the important change that occurred on 5-6 September 1940, the official press of the Church remained silent. However, the official press through a series of articles and pastoral letters delivered by the Patriarch Nicodim is quite active in backing up the political ideology of the National Legionary State arguing in favor of ethnical homogeneity, a national Church, a superposition between religious faith and state citizenship. Hence, while completely silent about political events and reform initiatives promoted by the National Legionary State, the official press of the Romanian Orthodox Church uses a public discourse that resembles and sometimes coincides with the state ideology.
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After the Holocaust there was a desire for reconciliation by the leaders of the Hungarian and the Jewish minorities in Transylvania. In my paper I will examine the collaboration between the two main organizations and their attitude toward each other. Furthermore, I will show why the reconciliation did not work out well, although both organizations were determined for a successful outcome. My main questions are: Why the reconciliation was so important for the two minority’s elites and to what extent was it successful? And the second most important question: why the attempt happened to be failed although both political groups wished for success? I will argue that the two elites originally wanted the reconciliation to make peace between the two minorities for a number of pragmatic reasons and to satisfy the Communist Party request which stated that the ethnic groups in Romania must live peacefully along with each other in the framework of socialism. The reconciliation attempt had an unsuccessful result because they were not able to overcome those issues that they wanted to resolve.
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The present study aims to reconfigure the symbolic borders Nae Ionescu constructs in order to define Romanianness - What cluster of symbols are declared relevant in order to create the community of belonging? On a second approach, putting the emphasis on the correlative nature of the social world, I will be interested to identify how this symbolic construction conditions the political solution he sustains – How is the individual integrated within the state? What is the relation between citizenship and national community? Finally, as constructing identity means both including what is perceived as similar and excluding what is defined as different, a third emphasis will be put on the antisemitic discourse Ionescu develops and its consonance with the essentialist view he proposes.
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Kavana jest tajemnicą duszy zmierzającej do celu.
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Hitlahavut jest obejmowaniem Boga poza czasem i przestrzenią. Avoda jest służbą Bogu w czasie i przestrzeni. Hitlahavut jest mistycznym posiłkiem. Avoda jest mistycznym darem. To są bieguny, pomiędzy którymi płynie życie świętego człowieka. Hitlahavut milczy, gdyż spoczywa na sercu Boga. Avoda mówi: „Kim jestem i czym jest moje życie, że pragnę ofiarować tobie moją krew i mój ogień?”.
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Introduction to the cycle of articles: "Mir kumen on noch a mol. In and around Bund".
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