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Székely Gábor 70 éves
This book made for the seventieth birthday of Gábor Székely, Professor at the Eötvös Loránd University of Budapest, contains 51 studies. His colleagues wish him Happy Birthday.
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Despite the advances in research after the year 1989, there are still blank spaces on the map documenting the country’s victims of Nazi persecution and racially motivated persecution of the Jewish population of Bohemia and Moravia. Together with a number of scientific institutions, museums and archives, initiatives and civic associations, the Cabinet of the History of Sciences of the Institute for Contemporary History of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic has also been involved in documentation of the victims of Nazi persecution and persecution on racial grounds for many years. The Cabinet’s collective research project Scientists and Intellectuals of the Czech Lands as Victims of Nazi Persecution 1939–1945 was launched in 2007 and focused on representative documentation of the consequences of the Nazi occupation in the personnel composition of the scientific community in the Czech lands in the latter half of the 1930s and the first half of the 1940s.
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Both men experienced Europe’s battlefields as troops with the Fourth Armoured Division of Patton’s Third Army. From the beaches of Normandy via the Ardennes, they got as far as Czechoslovakia, where they survived to see the end of the War. Harry Feinberg talks about the journey through Europe. Harry Jacobs was given his most interesting mission a few days after Germany’s surrender. On 11 May 1945, he was assigned the task of crossing the demarcation line somewhere between Strakonice and Prague to obtain an archive from the German Army that it had kept on the Red Army at the Eastern Front.
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This conference is subtitled “The View of Historians and Legal Experts”. I myself am neither a professional historian nor an expert on the law. Rather, I speak from personal experience as somebody who comes from a family that suffered in various ways under both totalitarian systems, and as somebody who lived in exile and in his own way took part in activities aimed against the communist regime in Czechoslovakia – in my case, at foreign radio stations. There are in essence two strands to what I would like to speak about. I will partly attempt to answer certain questions which come under this panel’s heading. And I would also like to consider certain aspects of these issues from the Jewish perspective. That is because we find in the histories of both the 20th century’s totalitarian regimes tragic and interesting links to Jewish history. Some have already been discussed, and I have my own perspective on them.
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There has been always been a great buzz around Valerián Bystrický. It is not different even today. His study is almost continuously occupied by his friends, colleagues and pupils. They work not only at his household institution – the Institute of History of the Slovak Academy of Sciences – but also at other scholarly institutions and universities. They come to him for a friendly chat and to discuss their professional issues expecting his opinion and advice. Authors who participated on this publication represent a small sample of them. The topics included in this book represent a very broad and colorful spectrum and the same can be said about the view and professional erudition of Dr. Bystrický. It would be not very useful to list all the topics he has dealt with. They can be found in the selected bibliography of his writings at the end of this book. It doesn’t matter if he is dealing with European or Slovak history; the 1st and 2nd Czechoslovak republic or the war Slovak republic; politics, personalities or society – all his works are characterized by comprehension, detachment and great knowledge of sources. He doesn’t belong to theoreticians or speculative methodologists of various systems and –isms. He goes to the problem always in medias res. His method is the accurate documentation of historical processes and consistent knowledge about the searched topic and sources. That is how his pertinent works based on arguments had been created. Many of them belong to fundamental and pioneering works of our historiography. We must admire the curiousness and interest of Dr. Bystrický for new problems. We can say that a man with such an erudition and detachment can’t be surprised easily. It is a gift or a privilege that there is always something which he is interested in – he is still able to contemplate and to think intensely about historical and social problems. He is a proponent of the necessity to always take a clear and resolute stand to key questions. He is not shy to let his positive or negative attitude be known. The latter possibility brought numerous stories, occasional good-hearted acrimonies and anecdotes that are still very popular. They originated from the fact that he is a well-known enemy of smallmindedness and petty wars. As he often says: „Something is always going to happen.” For a scholar of his caliber, one must admire the graciousness of Dr. Bystrický which has an extra significance in the scholarly circles. In connection with his natural authority, it has a special value mainly for the middle generation of today’s historians. He has always treated them with human understanding and they have had the opportunity to cooperate with a wise and helpful man.
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V Rakúsku pretrvávalo úsilie o pripojenie sa k Nemecku počas celého medzivojnového obdobia v rokoch 1918 – 1938. Bolo reakciou na odčlenenie veľkých častí územia pôvodného Rakúska po prvej svetovej vojne, na pocit porážky a nepripravenosti stotožniť sa s územím novovzniknutého malého štátu. Takisto boli deklarovaným spontánnym a logickým prejavom príslušnosti k nemeckému kultúrnemu dedičstvu. Najdôležitejšou proklamovanou zahraničnopolitickou prioritou nového Rakúska bolo, v zhode s ostatnými nástupníckymi štátmi, zabezpečenie práva na sebaurčenie všetkých Nemcov v rozpadnutej Rakúsko-Uhorskej monarchii. Súčasťou tohto úsilia bol aj anšlus s Nemeckou republikou.
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Predseda Ústredného hospodárskeho úradu (ÚHÚ) Augustín Morávek vydal v Úradných novinách 4. októbra 1941 vyhlášku o povinnosti Židov vysťahovať sa z Bratislavy2 a o ich nasťahovaní sa do obcí (miest), ktoré budú uvedené v dislokačných opatreniach Ústredne Židov (ÚŽ) alebo iných príslušných úradov. Sťahovacia povinnosť sa predbežne netýkala štátnych a verejných zamestnancov – Židov, pokiaľ boli v aktívnej službe, ich manželov (manželky) a ich detí, ktoré žili v spoločnej domácnosti s nimi. Výnimky sa vzťahovali aj na osoby poberajúce štátne a verejné výslužné platy, ako aj na židovských partnerov Nežidov, pokiaľ sa dalo dokázať, že v skutočnosti spolu žijú. Od povinnosti vysťahovať sa boli oslobodení aj majitelia hospodárskych podnikov, členovia verejných obchodných a komoditných spoločností a ich rodinní príslušníci. Osoby podliehajúce vysťahovaniu sa museli do ôsmych dní od uverejnenia vyhlášky prihlásiť na ÚŽ, ktorú ÚHÚ poveril dislokácie organizovať.3 Povereníkom ÚHÚ pre dislokácie sa stal Anton Ladvenica, ktorý celú akciu sledoval a aj usmerňoval na základe správ, ktoré získaval z ÚŽ.
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Jews were given a guarantee of equality by the Emancipation Act no. XVII/1867, which meant the same role for them like for all other citizens of Europe: to fulfil civil obligations and be loyal to the Hungarian statehood and the crown. They had to stop operating as a separate unit, that is, they had to suppress through reforms the cultural and ethnic particularities that distinguished them from the rest of the population and, consequently, to blend in with the majority, keeping their own religion at the most. Assimilation was intended as the consequence of emancipation and, in fact, its fulfilment. Such a liberal model, based on the Enlightenment ideals of the French Revolution, was in place everywhere in Western Europe. In the Hungarian intentions the assimilation had to take place toward the dominant ethnic Hungarian (Magyar) culture in order to strengthen its tenuous position within the boundaries of the historic Kingdom of Hungary, or, in other words, to increase at least statistically the number of ethnic Hungarians compared to other “nationalities”. In the beginning of the 20th century, Jews in Hungary amounted to about 6 % of the total population, which was a really high number compared with 1 % in Germany. The assimilation process in Hungary took place much faster than in Western Europe, or in less time, generally between the Compromise and World War I, and was most evident in the area of language. The difference was also in the fact that while the assimilation took place in the West in strong national cultures and modern economies, in Hungary it unrolled in generally less developed economic, cultural and political conditions.
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The Institute of History of the Slovak Academy of Sciences honors with this collective monograph the 70th jubilee of the one of its outstanding colleagues and friends – PhDr. Ivan Kamenec, CSc. Although Mr. Kamenec studies and interprets the modern Slovak history of the 20th century in its complexity, his lifelong scientific interest belongs to the Slovak Republic during World War II, especially its political history and personalities. He is to be counted to the top rated Slovak historians in this field. But in the first place his name in the history of the Slovak historical science is connected with the pioneer role in researching the Holocaust in Slovakia. Before 1989 he had been the first to open this taboo theme and the years later his research results inspired the whole group of new historians and brought Dr. Kamenec the international respect among Holocaust specialists. The collective monograph From the History of the Democratic and Totalitarian Regime in the 20th Century Slovakia and Czechoslovakia deals with not yet fully researched areas of the history of Slovakia and the Slovaks and its international context and relations. The texts are aimed at some historical events in the period of the first, interwar Czechoslovak Republic, at the phenomena in the history of the Slovakia during WWII and at the development before and after communist takeover after the war. All the chapters are written by outstanding specialists in the given themes, coming from the Institute of History of SAS, from the other history institutions and universities of Slovakia and the Czech Republic. The book begins with the two texts dealing with the professional life and the scientific work of Ivan Kamenec. In the first one Herta Tkadlečková – the former university teacher of I. Kamenec – remembers in an essay like form “how has become the modest student a reputable historian”. Taking as an example the birth and its circumstances of the Kamenec’s books, she depicts the complicated lot of a historian dealing with the modern history. The second text written by Nina Paulovičová compares the crucial “Holocaust” book of Ivan Kamenec On the Trail of the Tragedy with some same topic books published in abroad. Showing various aspects of the author’s interpretation of the Jewish fate in war time Slovakia she prizes not only the scientific value of this monograph, but also its social and moral importance. The next part of the book already speaks about some aspects of the (Czecho-) Slovak history in the time between the two world wars. Milan Zemko analyzes the political system of the first Czechoslovak Republic from the point of view of the political parties acting in the National assembly. He shows the changing picture of their antagonisms and cooperation, being more and more based upon nationalism and resulting in the hard confrontation between “Czechoslovak” (Czech and Slovak) political parties and the political representative bodies of the national minorities – German and Hungarian. Ľubica Kázmerová has aimed her attention at the development of the Slovak educational system in the given period. Comparing the differences and common features of the Slovakia and Czech lands, she presents how at the beginning the disastrous educational situation in Slovakia positively changed in the first two decades of the existence of the Czechoslovak Republic. The third text of this part of the book written by Peter Švorc is a sound into the regional and local history of the small Spiš town – Spišská Belá. The author deals with the local political life represented by leftist and right wing political groupings and concentrates in the case of Jewish inhabitance on the interethnic relations. Wartime Slovak state, Jewish question and the Slovak uprising are the main subjects of the second part of the monograph. Eduard Nižňanský states that the anti-Semitic politics was characteristic not only for the wartime Slovak Republic (from March the 14th, 1939), but its basic features had developed already in the last phase of the Czecho-Slovakia’s existence – in the period of the Slovak autonomy. This statement author documents on the case of the Anti-Jewish pogrom in Piešťany in early March 1939. The term “Jew” and its place in the law system of the wartime Slovak state examines in her text Katarína Zavacká. Analyzing the corresponding legal acts, she shows the parallel between depriving the Jews of their civil rights and the decay of democratic system. On the contrary to the Jews, who were not acknowledged as a minority, in the Slovak Republic existed three officially declared national minorities – German, Hungarian and Ruthenian. At the problem of their legal status in the political system of the wartime Slovak Republic is aimed the text of Ondrej Podolec. From the point of view of international context the historians deal in the given period with the two aspects – first there are the international relations of the Slovak Republic, and second aspect are the activities of the Slovak Pro-Allied exile. The less known events in the official relations between Slovak republic and U.S.S.R. examines Dagmar Čierna-Lantayová. Based upon the archival research in Moscow the text shows the development of the diplomatic relations from their beginning to the time, when the Slovak army entered the war against Russia. The exile problem represents the writing of Vilém Prečan. It comments four here-published documents, which show the unknown facts and the chain of circumstances of the detention of Vladimír Clementis – the prominent Slovak communist – during his stay in France in 1939. About the French attitude to the Slovakia and Slovak question writes also Pavol Petruf. In the text he concentrates on the given problem at first till the defeat of the France in 1940 and then on the attitude of the Vichy and the de Gaulle’s Free France to the Slovak Republic and in the same time to the Slovak exile. The last block of this part of the book pays attention to the various, less known aspects of the Slovak National Uprising in 1944. It begins with the first research results on the anti-resistance propaganda in the uprising and on the uprising, including the German official media. The military campaigns of rising are not perceived here as an object of research, but as case of escalation of the social conflict, widely covered by printed media. The author – Marína Zavacká widely analyses and interprets the vocabulary of this propaganda. The print-media are the subject also of the text of Jan Rychlík. In this case the author in details documents, how the official newspapers in Protectorate reflected the course of the uprising and how they used it for their own propaganda. The closing text crosses the chronological line of this part. It looks at the uprising from the point of view of historical memory. Its author – Elena Mannová – using the social-historical and cultural-historical approach is searching for various interpretations of the rising and their reflection in the collective memory from 1945 to the end of the century. Mannová’s text leads the reader to the part of the monograph dealing with the post-war period before and after the communist takeover. In the first text Michal Barnovský gives the brief characteristics of the function, structure and the activities of the National Front in Slovakia in 1945- 1948. After analyzing them the author states that although the monopoly of power of the NF made the communist takeover in February 1948 easier, its existence had not been the necessary condition for it. The communist coup d’etat had been victorious because of using the material power and the Soviet pressure. The second text dealing with the given period is from Edita Ivaničková. She tries to document the foreign policy interests of the Slovaks in 1944-1948, shows their possibilities, limits and their outcomes. Being concentrated on the solution of the Slovak question within the post-war republic, the Slovak politicians paid less attention to the foreign policy and loosing their fight for democracy they also lost the opportunity to develop their foreign policy interests. Another text dealing with the international aspects has written Slavomír Michálek. He depicts the case – known in its time in the West as “the freedom flight” – when the three Czechoslovak citizens trying to escape the communist regime highjacked in 1953 the airplane and landed in the U.S. occupation zone of Germany. The following diplomatic incident between United States and Czechoslovakia was the only constructive solved matter in that period of the fully frozen bi-lateral relations. Being Michálek’s text based upon the archival research, the next one – by Jozef Leikert – is an interesting combination of Oral History and the study of the contemporary material. It shows one period of the life of the well-known Slovak writer and journalist Ladislav Mňačko, when he was as a young communist working in the daily paper Pravda and supporting the Stalinist regime in Czechoslovakia. The next text written by Vladimír Goněc concentrates on another personality, this time from the camp of the communist opponents. He analyses the activities and above all the ideas of the one of the leaders of the émigré organization – the Council of Free Czechoslovakia – Hubert Ripka. The reader may get acquainted with his opinion in the second half of the 50-ties not only on the development in the Central Europe, but on the global policy as well. With the text of Jan Pešek the book turns back to the inner development of Slovakia within the Czechoslovak state. The author describes one fragment in the history of the Slovak communist party with long reaching consequences – the changes in its leading positions in 1962-1964. It means the fall of the old functionaries connected with K. Gottwald and A. Novotný and the coming of a new guard of communist leaders (e.g. A. Dubček) not directly burdened by the unlawfulness of the past. The next text by Miroslav Londák follows up chronologically with the previous chapter. The author analyzes the Czechoslovak economic reform in the 60-ties and its break down after the invasion in August 1968. He states that the base and the scope of the reform plans had been incompatible with the given socialist system in Czechoslovakia and it undermined its fundaments. The new democratic Czechoslovakia and its break down is the theme examined by Jozef Žatkuliak. He goes through the discussions about the new relations between the Czechs and the Slovaks in a federal republic after 1989, follows the proceedings of various political groupings and their leaders up to the end of the Czechoslovakia and the birth of the independent Slovak state in 1993. The last part of this collective monograph deals with the themes of democracy, individual and collective ideological consciousness in the 20th century Slovakia. Dušan Kováč writes about democracy, political culture and the heritage of totalitarianism in the historical process. He states among others that in Central European countries is the experience with the life in democracy very limited. Czechoslovak republic in the inter-war period was only a single country with the real parliamentary democracy. Introduction of the general suffrage and the plural political party system was not without danger in Central Europe and in other post-communist countries. Functioning democracy needs a relative high level of political culture. Without this could democracy shrink to the electoral machinery connected with populism and with the growth of nationalism. Roman Holec returns back into the end of the 19th and the first half of 20th centuries and introduces the “forgotten Slovak leftist intellectual” – Hugo Matzner. He follows his life from his youth up to the death in 1948. Through Matzner’s activities in the social-democratic party and his leftist intellectual maturity the author indirectly shows the development in Slovakia from the last period of Austria-Hungary till the communist take over in 1948. Another portrait of the well-known Slovak personality Alexander Matuška – the best representative of the Slovak literary criticque and essay in the 20th century – closes the summarized monograph. Vlasta Jaksicsová in her text goes though the key moments of his life and writings, where he presents himself as an original and severe critic of the Slovak past and present and the commentator on the Slovak characteristic features. And she underlines, that Matuška is a favorite author also for Ivan Kamenec and that the writer and the historian have many common features.
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Zasadniczym celem badania była próba opisu i ewolucji modelu polityki oświatowej państwa polskiego wobec mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych w badanym okresie. W odniesieniu do koncepcji polityki oświatowej państwa polskiego wobec mniejszości narodowych podjęta została próba określenia i zastosowania autorskiej periodyzacji. Wyróżniono następujące etapy polityki oświatowej wobec mniejszości: od polityki akceptacji do polityki restrykcji (1944–1948), okres polityki unifikacji (1949–1955), okres polityki aktywizacji (1956–1960), okres polityki marginalizacji (1961–1966). Analiza zebranych danych źródłowych pozwoliła stwierdzić, że mniejszości narodowe stanowiły istotny problem w polityce oświatowej państwa polskiego w latach 1944–1966. W szczególności dotyczyło to mniejszości słowackiej, żydowskiej, niemieckiej, białoruskiej, litewskiej i ukraińskiej, czyli grup, które od przełomu lat 40. i 50. XX w. objęte zostały jednolitym modelem kształcenia, na wzór radziecki, w państwowych szkołach z niepolskim językiem nauczania. Centralnym punktem analizy uczyniono szkolnictwo dla mniejszości narodowych jako główny przedmiot polityki oświatowej wobec mniejszości. W tym zakresie analizowano sytuację decyzyjną, tj. główne uwarunkowania i czynniki polityki oświatowej, treść decyzji i dyrektyw wykonawczych (założenia organizacyjne i wychowawczo-programowe szkolnictwa dla mniejszości), proces implementacji tych decyzji (polityka w zakresie sieci szkolnej) oraz jej efekty – w aspekcie ilościowym (struktura szkolnictwa) i jakościowym (stan szkolnictwa). W badaniach nad podjętą problematyką przyjęto rozumienie polityki oświatowej wobec mniejszości jako działalność władz państwowych regulujących sytuację tych grup w dziedzinie oświaty poprzez akty normatywne i decyzje stanowiące uprawnionych organów. Należy przy tym wskazać na dwa przeciwstawne wymiary polityki oświatowej wobec mniejszości: restrykcyjny – negujący prawo tych grup do oświaty w języku ojczystym oraz kompensacyjny – afirmujący prawo do oświaty w języku ojczystym jako wartość autoteliczną lub tylko je akceptujący jako wartość instrumentalną dla osiągnięcia określonych celów politycznych. W pierwszej połowie lat 50. XX w. PZPR, zawłaszczając podmiotowość polityczną ogółu społeczeństwa, w tym mniejszości narodowych, zdecydowała o kształcie systemu oświaty. Głównym celem polityki oświatowej stała się indoktrynacja społeczeństwa. W tej sytuacji ojczysty język nauczania stanowił tylko środek do osiągnięcia tego celu, nie zaś do podtrzymania tożsamości narodowej członków tych grup.
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The cultural heritage of Jews in Zenica is manifested through both, material and non-material aspect. Although Jews represent an indigenous community in Bosnia and Herzegovina even since the 16th century, they began to settle in Zenica more intensely with the arrival of Austro-Hungarian monarchy, in 1878. Despite the fact that Jews accounted only a small percentage of the population in Zenica, their contribution to economic and especially to the cultural development of the city was enormous. In a relatively short period of about 60 years, during which they have been actively involved in organizing the everyday life of the city, Jews left a strong imprint to the identity of the city. The memory of the once prominent and active community stays registered through material and non-material inheritance as a symbol of not only Jews but of the entire city of Zenica
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This book presents 27 portraits from Central Europe of 20th century. What is Central Europe? It's not easy to determine it. This region was always in the crossfire of dispute. Central Europe resembles Egyptian dying and rising gods, but the region exists and it has given many distinguished personalities to Europe and the World. The book presents this richness.
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U kontekstu naglog uspona fašizma u Evropi i njegove pobede u pojedinim zemljama, jedno od pitanja koje se postavljalo u beogradskoj javnosti, odnosilo se na mogućnosti njegove pojave i u Jugoslaviji, i u skladu sa tim, na analize uslova koji u zemlji postoje za eventualni razmah fašističkih ideja. Nasuprot dominantnom stavu da u zemlji nema fašističkih pokreta, levičari su registrovali njihovo prisustvo, posebno izraženo u rasističkim obeležjima. Demokratskoliberalno stanovište je odbacivalo ove teze sa obrazloženjem da se fašizam uglavnom javlja u gradovima, a da u zemlji seljaka fašističke ideje mogu da nastanu samo kao plod kafanskih razgovora. Po mišljenju intelektualaca ove struje, socijalni uslovi u Jugoslaviji nisu bili pogodni za njegov razvoj, a ideje pojedinih pokreta koje su „ličile“ na fašizam, uglavnom su ocenjivali kao marginalne i potpuno bezopasne. Minimizujući fašističku opasnost u zemlji, liberalno stanovište ni u Ljotićevom pokretu nije videlo sklonost ka fašizmu, već samo njegove „primese“, „loš surogat“ i „neozbiljna oponašanja fantasta“, sklonijih diktaturi nego temeljima ove ideologije. Ambivalencija konzervativnih krugova ispoljavala se i u ovom pitanju. Fašističke ideje su odbacivane kao i teze da su prisutne u zemlji, ali su se istovremeno za Jugoslaviju tražila rešenja koja su uzor pronalazila upravo u njima. Desničari su odricali da su i sami nosioci fašističkih ideja, ali ne zato što se sa njima nisu slagali, već što su verovali da su „novi nacionalizmi“ – fašizam i nacionalsocijalizam – specifično italijanski i nemački produkt, dok je ideologija Zbora, iako sastavni deo globalne pojave „novog nacionalizma“, autentična domaća tvorevina.
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The volume brings together 32 writings about books that shaped me, opened my horizon and enriched me spiritually.I tried to structure my texts according to some topics. The chapter entitled "Recent Histories" brings together presentations of books of history, Romanian philosophy, philosophy of culture, interwar history, Holocaust - topics I have dealt with mainly in recent years. "Beyond India" brings together severeal writings about the many books dedicated to India - its history, philosophy, religion and culture - or Orientalism, in general, which I have read since 2007, after meeting India, and more recently, after Cluj Center for Indian Studies was opened at Babes Bolyai University in Cluj Napoca. In the last part, "Parallel Stories" there are some writings about books that helped me to understand some certain aspects of the topics I approached as a researcher, but also some stories about distant and extraordinary worlds.
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The League of Nations was the first 'world organisation' an international organisation to promote international co-operation and world peace. One of its areas of engagement was the technical activity of minority protection. This paper will analyse the League's efforts to address the 'Jewish problem' – the countless refugees fleeing Nazi-Germany. The League did not only provide a platform for its member states but also enabled non-member states to participate in and engage with certain aspects of its activities. Consequently, the paper asks how states that chose not to be members of the League of Nations contribute to - or sabotage - the League's efforts to alleviate the refugee crisis.
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The author of the article focuses on the issue of anti-Semitism in Roman Dmowski’s publications, with particular attention paid to his novel Legacy. In the following steps of the analysis, the author describes the National Democracy ideologist’s attitude towards Jews in his official political writings and long prose pieces published under a pseudonym, showing the interdependencies between these two spheres of activity (political and artistic). The research uses mainly the tools of psychoanalysis and gender studies.
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The publication serves as a support for secondary school teachers for the development of activation teaching in history.
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