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ISLAM AS A GLOBAL PROVOCATION: INTEGRATION OF EUROPEAN MUSLIMS FROM TARIQ RAMADAN’S PERSPECTIVE

Author(s): Ali Pajaziti / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2012

The worldview ideas of the Swiss-born of Egyptian origin Tariq Ramadan, who according to the “Time” magazine (2004) is one of the 100 most influential world thinkers and innovators of the 21st century, also called a Muslim Martin Luther, nowadays are very interesting and important in view of the fact of the current global changes and turbulences, when the world entered a dangerous new phase. Islam, as one of the largest world religions whose number of adherents is increasing daily all over the world, and is at the same time the most negatively viewed religious structure (islamophobia), especially after September 11, 2001. Europe and Islam have been in contact ever since the 8th century, but the communication today is far more intensive (over 20 million Muslims live on the Old Continent). Today’s European Muslims are not only newcomers but natives; Euro-Islam converts imbue special nuances to the social milieu. Some, like Tibi, discuss Euro-Islam, others like the xenophobes talk about Euro-Arabia and third ones use neologisms such as Londonistan (M. Phillips). Integration versus ghettoisation, Euro-Islam versus ghettoism, Islamisation of modernity versus modernization of the Islam are the main thesis of Ramadan, a university professor, who, in one of his academic discourses, discusses the subjects of belonging, identity, secularisation, Islam, universality, multiculturalism, integration and etc.

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THE EXTERNAL IDENTITY OF THE EU AS A ‘DEMOCRACY PROMOTER’: MYTH OR REALITY?

Author(s): James Cardwell / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2012

Like all political actors, the European Union (EU) presents its identity to the outside world in as positive a light as possible: a successful example of peaceful, democratic integration and cooperation between nation states. References to its birth from the destruction of the European continent and its role in ensuring peace and stability between Member States are commonly expressed features of the EU’s external identity. At the heart of this external identity lies the belief that the EU embodies democratic principles which are reflective of its internal structure and development. The EU’s own treaty arrangements state that EU action on the international scene shall be guided by a set of principles which are central to its own existence – and the first of these is ‘democracy’. This chapter will consider, first, the complex nature of how the promotion of democracy is carried out in the EU’s relations with the world beyond its borders. The chapter adopts a wide conception of democracy promotion, which can be expressly or impliedly perceived. By casting a wide net, the extent of democracy promotion can be seen to be wider than previously thought which helps to broaden the debate about how the EU puts in place its Treaty obligations to promote democracy. The chapter will finally consider the extent to which the emphasis on democracy promotion within the EU’s external activities can justify characterising the EU’s identity as one of a ‘democracy promoter’ or whether its actions do not fully match up to its words.

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THE BIG GOVERNMENT’ OF B. H. OBAMA AND THE DODD – FRANK ACT

Author(s): Slavejko Sasajkovski,Ljubica Micanovska / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2012

The global financial- economic crisis that all characteristics of its crisis nature began apparently to manifest in the summer 2008 in a completely striking and dramatically manner has highlighted and imposed the dilemma of power, competencies and functions of the modern capitalist state. In general, primarily and especially, in the area of the social-economic relations. Especially the functions of the modern capitalist state that were applied and demonstrated in USA both as a respond to, and a solution of the financial–economic crisis (first of all, the anti-cyclic nature of the applied fiscal and monetary policies, exactly as determined and recommended by John Maynard Keynes), have theoretically, ideologically and politically troubled exactly the determination and definition of the social–economic functions of the modern capitalist state. That is, primarily the concrete concept and the concrete ways of anti-crisis application of the fiscal and monetary policy have clarified to the extreme limits the problem of the theoretical and ideologically political identity of the modern capitalist state. This clarification of the problem of theoretical and ideologically–political identity of the modern capitalist state in the societal field of social–economic relations, complemented and strengthened through the previously conducted reform of the health care system from the position of strengthening the power, competencies and functions of the modern American capitalist state, has also imposed the interest in the phenomenon of the so-called Big Government to the theoretical and ideologically–political plan. It is understandable and very normal that this interest that is especially and primarily theoretically and ideologically–political, has occurred and was demonstrated exactly by the American theoretical and ideologically political (Republican) right wing. So it happened that among the other striking theoretical and ideologically- political products and reactions appeared ultra (neo) conservative and ultra (neo) liberal Tea party movement, as well. If we sublimate, the (neo) conservative and (neo) liberal reaction to the awakening of the left–capitalist/ capitalist interventionist “Big Government” is located and moving along the theoretical and ideologically political path of emphasizing the loss of the civil/individual freedom for the interest of expansion and growth of the state/ bureaucratic powers and functions. That is, the subordination of the civil/individual interest is explicated theoretically and ideologically-politically as being exerted for the benefit of the prevalence of the state / bureaucratic interests.

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DOES THE EU ENLARGEMENT INFLUENCE THE NATIONAL AND EUROPEAN IDENTITY? A Longitudinal Analysis in Old and New Member States

Author(s): Sergiu Gherghina / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2012

This paper investigates whether changes occur in the national and European identities of the citizens from the old and new Member States following the 2004 and 2007 enlargements. Complementary, it seeks to identify the major attitudinal determinants of national and European identities for the EU citizens. The analysis focuses on the 27 EU Member States and uses individual level data from the 2002-2009 Candidate Countries and Standard Eurobarometers. The descriptive statistics and multivariate quantitative analyses reveal that no relevant changes occur in the levels of national and European identities. The two types of identities coexist and are shaped at various levels. Their determinants appear to be quite stable over time, thus indicating no major alterations after the enlargement.

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THE ADMINISTRATIONAL ASPECT OF THE STATE AND THE LOCAL SELF – GOVERNMENT IN THE ERA OF GLOBALISATION

Author(s): Mirjana Slaninka-Dineva,Gjura Stevanović / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2012

In the era of globalisation, the development of local communities should be favoured, but also the traditional forms of local democracy should be preserved from dying. There is necessity for modernisation of the local self-government with the help of informatics technologies and the internet. The local administration should be in function of the needs of the population, highly professional and out of political party influence. From this material a lot of project themes could derive, based on different approaches (theoretical, historical-juridical, comparative and other approaches). Thereat, the basic leading idea is that any reorganization should be in function of the needs of the local population, legal entities, central government and so on. Withal, the rigorous redefinition, especially in the view of decreasing the numbers of the local self-government units (LSGU) and the bureaucracy, should be in correlation with the percentage of the population of each state and of the LSGU. The village self-government should be organized in a modern manner, especially bearing in mind the necessities of the local population. Each reorganization, especially in context of increasing the space of LSGU should be scientifically founded. The city of Skopje as a major city should be reformed in the spirit of the organization of the capital European cities.

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EUROPEANIZATION EFFECTS: THE ROLE OF DOMESTIC ACTORS IN WESTERN BALKANS

Author(s): Gazmend Qorraj / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2012

The economic sustainability as well as the EU accession process requires flexible and efficient institutions, policy frameworks and knowledge-based economy that can exploit new opportunities that emerge from rapid change such as globalization and EU Enlargement. The main questions to be addressed in this paper are: do international actors ensure the long term progress and reforms or does their functioning ensure stability and emergent solutions for these countries? Do local actors have an active role in the process and create a sustainable development. The paper identifies that in many of the Western Balkan countries international and domestic actors achieved to create a political stability but not a sustainable development and effective institutions. First, international actors faced many challenges in promoting effective policies due to their standard function in all of these countries. With regard to domestic actors, they failed in creating their own capacities due to high level of dependence on the international community. The current EU financial crisis has shown that candidate countries should fulfill EU criteria and develop local ownership in order to sustain economically and reduce negative spillover effects coming from globalization and Europeanization.

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ROMANIAN IDENTITY REPRESENTATION IN EUROPE BY SPORT AS A MODERN EXPRESSION OF CULTURE IN THE PROCESS OF GLOBALIZATION

Author(s): Jean Firică / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2012

In the European Parliament sport is considered both as a source of identity and social integration and a tool in the fight against discrimination and racism. The European Union strategy takes the form of discourse well suited to the sportive atmosphere. European Union uses major sporting events to promote its own image and amplify its general discourse. Sports have an important role in identity formation and the effects on individuals’ politicization. European Union special campaign of promoting sports events is based on deliberative behaviors - all visitors are urged to talk about Europe, give opinions without fear that they will be put in bad situations or that they come into conflict with certain parties. Through participation in the dialogue a more democratic Europe will be built, and by exchanging points of views and arguments we will learn from each other. Most citizens agree with the establishment, in their own countries, of institutions where they get information and increase their knowledge about the European Union. The paper presents the activities of European institutions to complete the European public space, based on diplomacy and the positive impact of sport.

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ETHNIC IDENTITY, ETHNO-NATIONALISM AND GLOBALIZATION (THE CASE OF FORMER YUGOSLAVIA)

Author(s): Duška N. Matevska / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2012

Socialism which in many elements represented a totalitarian political system, based on the supreme authority of the party, relying on crude collectivism, tried to erase all the differences among social groups. The two primary sources of identity: nation and religion, which were suppressed during the socialism, rose to the surface during the period of transition. Marxist ideology had a generally negative attitude towards religion, which led to weakening the religious identity among the population of former Yugoslavia. On the other hand, the idea of “brotherhood and unity”, and the creation of a “Yugoslav nation” (during the 1971 Census, the citizens of Yugoslavia were allowed to declare themselves as Yugoslavs) obstructed to a great extent the development of the ethnic identity as well. The collapse of socialism was followed by a crisis of identity among the population which lived in the territory of former Yugoslavia. Different ethnic groups felt a need for an identity which will distinguish them from others. The search for an identity raises the following questions: Who am I? Where do I come from? Who I belong to? and the like. In response to these questions, the individual seeks to find out what are his/her specific features and what is it that differentiates him/her from the others. Identity is closely connected with the feeling of security, trust and belonging to a particular group. But the efforts to “win” and keep this identity impel people in certain situations to act irrationally and sometimes violently.

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THE ATTITUDE OF THE FAR-RIGHT ORGANIZATIONS IN SERBIA TOWARDS THE RELATION BETWEEN LANGUAGE AND NATIONAL IDENTITY

Author(s): Vladan Pavlović / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2012

The paper presents several standpoints dealing with the relation between language and national identity adopted by the organizations typically labelled far-right in the Serbian society. Based on a research of the internet sites of those organizations, some of the standpoints examined are the following ones: a) that language, nation and the national state are tightly intertwined (one national language – one nation – one national state), b) that language and ethno-national consciousness are also closely connected (i.e. that ethno-national consciousness cannot develop without the existence of a national language), c) that children should not be taught foreign languages before they have mastered their mother tongue, and similar ones. Each of such standpoints is then approached from the perspective of linguistic theory, which not only undermines the validity of such attitudes from a scientific point of view, but also offers such an alternative to the given standpoints that affirms tolerance, the culture of peace and better understanding among members of different nations and the languages they speak.

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RELIGION AND NATIONAL IDENTITY IN MONO-CONFESSIONA AND MULTI-CONFESSIONAL COUNTRIES IN EUROPE AND IN THE BALKANS

Author(s): Ružica Cacanovska,Nonka Bogomilova / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2012

In this paper, the authors will firstly analyze the different places and role of religion in relation to national identity, subject to the prevalence of one or more religions. Secondly, in this context the authors will pay due attention to the role of religion in relation to the historically shaped either strong or weak connection developed between religion and the ethnos. Based on the analysis of the available empirical material, the authors will draw conclusions on the ambivalent potential of religion regarding national identity, depending on the combination of both of the abovementioned factors. The conclusion remarks will be illustrated by two case studies, of Macedonia and Bulgaria in order to notice and to elaborate the specificities and similarities of the basic topic of this paper.

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MACEDONIA’S FOREIGN POLICY IN THE CONTEXT OF EU INTEGRATION: Superficial changes or soul-deep transformation?

Author(s): Florent Marciacq / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2012

This paper enquires into the Europeanisation of Macedonia’s foreign policy. First, it examines the extent to which Macedonia’s foreign policy positions in the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) and Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) OSCE have become convergent with the preferences of the European Union (EU). Then, it investigates specific changes in the organisation of Macedonia’s diplomatic services, which can be traced back to Macedonia’s interactions with the EU. These preliminary findings contradict the traditional view considering that states’ foreign policy is impervious to exogenous change. They suggest that Macedonia’s foreign policy identity is being re-constructed through its interactions with the EU. To establish this, the paper examines the mechanisms that best explain Macedonia’s behavioural and organisational changes. It argues that these are predominantly driven by soul-deep mechanisms of social, contextual learning; that simple, organismic learning also plays a role; and that the significance of superficial, mechanistic learning, i.e. mere compliance, is often overestimated.

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THE HOLLY GRAIL AND THE ALTER EGO: BALKANS AS A SOURCE OF THE RUSSIAN EXCEPTIONALITY IN THE LATE SOVIET AND EARLY RUSSIAN DISCOURSE

Author(s): Vsevolod Samokhvalov / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2012

The paper is based on the inter-disciplinary research project, which studies the process of relational identity construction and the Russian foreign policy. Following the constructivist epistemology and methodology of intertextuality, the paper will study main texts that defined the Russia’s Great Power identity: school and university textbooks, major history works, most popular history novels and media discourse. The author looks into the concept of identity as expressed by the term of Russia’s Great Powerhood linked to the idea of Europe. The working hypothesis of the research project is that Russia’s idea of Great Powerhood was always exercised/implemented in/through Russia’s interaction with Europe. The Balkans take special role in the role of the Russian identity construction. Departing from the facts of certain historical borrowings the Balkans the discourse evolves to reconstruct the Balkans as the source of the Russian Greatness. Embedded in the Soviet discourse through the textbooks and fiction literature in the 1960s, the discourses penetrates numerous texts in the media discourse in the late 1980s. The paper further analyzes evolution of the discourse in the Russian period. It identifies certain deconstruction of the Holy Grail that take place, introduction of orientalist elements and adjustment of the discourse to new realities.

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EUROPEAN IDENTITY VS. NATIONAL IDENTITY

Author(s): Ganka Cvetanova / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2012

The discussions regarding the significance and relevance of the identity represent an inevitable segment of the current sociological, anthropological and philosophical debates. On the other hand, the concept of the European identity formation is one the most relevant topic in the scientific and political sphere. There are several approaches or several aspects from which the European identity can be analyzed and defined as such. One of the existing definitions states that the European identity dwells on the idea of a cultural family. According to another definition, the European identity is founded on the idea of United Europe. Very often, European identity is equated with “universal values”, such as individualism, social cohesion and tolerance. Defined in such manner, European identity is transferred to the sphere of politics and it is given a political dimension i.e. it becomes a political identity. This paper examines comparatively the patterns and basis of European identity formation and national identity formation, using an approach based primarily on nationalist theory with special emphasis on cultural aspects. In other words, for the purposes of this paper the nationalist theory is the one that is providing a framework for the analysis of European identity formation. The paper is focusing also on the sustainability of European vs. national identity.

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CULTURAL AND ETHNIC IDENTITIES IN MACEDONIA

Author(s): Emilija Simoska / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2012

This paper concentrates on the development of the model of political culture of the citizens of Macedonia, during the so called transitional period, with a special focus to the issue of ethnic identities and identities in general, as they were determined by the changes of the general value matrix. Data from the latest research done on political culture and identities (June – September, 2010) will be presented and compared to some previous researches. The focus is on the questions: is Macedonian society really multicultural, and if it is, is that a burden or a contribution to its members? The paper analyses the ethnic environment, the ethnic distance and the perception of self-identities of the citizens.

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THE FUTURE OF THE NATION-STATE IN THE ERA OF GLOBALIZATION

Author(s): Jelena Ristik / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2012

The structure of the system of nation-states, established with the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, as a new political order in Europe which rests upon sovereign and independent states, constantly evolves and changes. Today’s trend of globalization, as a complex process that involves not only a commercial process which includes exchange of goods, capital and services across national borders, but also an increased number of interconnections in politics and culture, has a serious influence on the traditional concept of the world order and the international relations, according to which the basic unit that determines the way we act globally is the nation-state. Namely, globalization, as a concept, contradicts the traditional understanding of the primacy of the nation-state in the world order and introduces a possibility for parallel existence of various non-state subjects, which would have equal or even superior role to the nation-state. Moreover, globalization seriously affects the classical concept of sovereignty that explains the nature of the nation-state and represents one of the basic conditions for its existence. This paper has placed its focus on the future of the nation-state in the era of globalization. The question whether it is going to succeed to survive under the pressure of globalization, or what would its eventual further transformation and adaptation look like, as a response to the challenges of globalization, is the theme which is equally important for everybody, as a member of one of the almost 200 nation-states which exist in the world today.

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POLITICAL IDENTITIES IN THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA

Author(s): Lidija Hristova Petkovska / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2012

Political identities in one society are undoubtedly related to political parties, the social cleavages that these parties are structured on, i.e. their ideological (political) profiling. Can we talk about political identities when depolitization, departization and floating voters have become the most significant characteristic of contemporary political life? If these tendencies can be recognized in established democracies, do they and how do they pour into or are recognized in the so-called postcommunist societies, one of which is Republic of Macedonia itself? The additional challenge for the research team was to examine this issue in the specific political environment in Macedonia, which is represented by strong political confrontations on the political scene, confrontations that oftentimes interfered with normal political dialogue. The main goal of the research project was to determine the different political identities in the Republic of Macedonia, to see on which social cleavages they are differentiated on and where are their positions on an imagined ideological spectrum. Or to put it differently, whether the strictly distinguished political confrontations represent one dichotomous, i.e. segmented political structure, soundly founded on the social cleavages of the Macedonian society. We’ve tried to do that by: analysis of the social affiliation of citizens, analysis of their party affiliation and analysis of a certain number of political attitudes and values that they’ve accepted. We started from the basic assumption that if these three elements are related then we can say that the party-political divisions are founded on social divisions and that the high political polarization in Macedonia is based on the existence of differentiated social profiles of citizens, who belong to different and strongly confronted cultures/poles.

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“EUROPEANIZATION” OF THE MACEDONIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY

Author(s): Stojan Slaveski / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2012

The subject of discussion in this paper is national identity and the question is whether national identity is a form of identity that can sustain a political community of the state and/or a union of states. The effectiveness of a political community, whether the nation, the state or the European Union, relies on the legitimacy derived from its members. We are in the realm of collective identities and particularly cultural identity that brings this discussion about new forms of identity in contemporary Europe into the area of nationalism studies. European identity, at this stage in history cannot be cultural, for culture being historically constructed is too contested. “Europeanization” means a construction of a new collective identity, a new understanding of identity and its dissociation from the ethnically dominated territory of the nation-state. With this in mind, this article turns to concepts of identity as the term is employed in national discourses and argues that political integration of culturally diverse communities requires a form of identity beyond the boundaries of standard vocabulary of nationalism even in its civic form. This study is supported by the case of the Republic of Macedonia on two matters, Macedonian-Albanian relationships in the country and the relation between Macedonia and Greece on the “name issue” in order to draw implications for “Europeanization” of the Macedonian national identity.

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THE EUROPEAN UNION AS AN “UNKNOWN POLITICAL OBJECT” OR A POSTMODERN POLITICAL COMMUNITY IN THE PROCESS OF CONSTITUTING OF ITS OWN INTERNATIONAL

Author(s): Goran Ilik / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2012

This paper represents an explication of the fundamental premises for the definition of the term identity in a political / international political sense, in correlation with the ontology of the European Union as a specific legal and political entity. Therefore, we should not talk at any costs about the EU “nationalisation” or “etatization” because of the specific geopolitical, strategic and certainly the geo-economical conditions, in which it is born, grows and functions, which are also radically different in relation to others. Namely, when talking about the Union in relation to others, at the same time its specificity must be stressed, also autonomy and distinctiveness as attributes of its international political identity. The title of the paper stems precisely from the formulation of the European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso, who once said: “The EU is functional, but also an unknown political object on the international political scene”. In this respect, are presented the key benefits of the Lisbon Treaty in this area, because it appears as a “new opportunity” for the embodiment of the EU as a political union. This Treaty, initiates the Union in a politea sui generis in status nascendi or a political community of particular type in a phase of birth. In this regard, this paper underlines the postmodern nature of the Union, which makes it different than other global actors even more. On this basis, there is emphasis that identity is not something static, or fixed, but it is a dynamic process of (self) recognition, differentiation and establishment of a recognizable image of the particular political community in the existential environment. While taking into account the growing “density” of the multilateral relations, permanent communication with other international actors and the intensity of the globalization as an unstoppable process, the Union within its Common Foreign and Security Policy, aims to produce a referent level of solidarity and cohesion as essential elements of such political / international political identity. In addition, the paper presents the theories and doctrines of realism, liberalism and their derivatives, such as: neorealism, neoliberalism and neofunctionalism as dominant theories that more accurately specify the essence of the international political identity, nature and profile of the Union in the international relations.

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POLITICAL IDENTITY AND RESPECT OF POLITICAL DIFFERENCES

Author(s): Nazmi Malichi / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2012

Political tolerance is regarded as a part of the concept of recognition that allows the existence of differences between people who are careerists/creators of policy/policy makers. It is these differences and their recognition that are the main source of tolerance. Consequently, there is no tolerance without recognizing the right of these differences. But, on the other hand, the recognition itself of the right of differences between people opens numerous questions and difficulties about the functioning of tolerance. Do functional or populist politics dominate? Are common cultural values to be nurtured and preserved in the state exactly/accurately defined? With regret we can conclude that within the official, politicized and party culture, we build an authoritarian culture that creates an environment to make/making citizens live in fear of identity preservation, rather than promoting projects that will help them live with the political reality. Today, educational system and ethics-related education must become a necessary conception as an essential concept of ethical virtue. More should be invested in young people’s lives in order to create ethical and tolerant beings. If we are supporters of democracy and more specifically the values of liberal democracy, we should accept the fact that every citizen has the right to defend its system of national, religious and all other values. This often creates relations of conflict, complicating or generating implications on the existing values as a result of conflicts. In such circumstances, it seems that misunderstandings occur as a result of different ideas and preconceptions about myths or mythology, rise of national myths of the past, when people make attempts to expose their ideas in a way that leaves the impression that they conform to part of the historians or politicians, but without any significance for the present and future. If they insist/intend to build the future of a nation in present time, relying purely on mythology, one can suspect that there is something wrong in that nation and its political elites. It might be regarded as an indicator of their attempts relating to the intended method of how to build the future or, more accurately, national, cultural, political, economic prospects of the country. To avoid building the idea of myths, in fact, it is better to follow a different direction. Namely, it would be more sensible to explore the values and gain a deeper insight, thereby trying to identify their implications for the present situation. The attempt to find space for hope in the current time is a kind of intellectual challenge for an individual, and in view of this we will seek to build/develop a policy and diplomacy that includes historical events, but at the same time we should have in mind the words of the winner of Nobel prize in literature Camilo Jose Cela: “We should not be on the side of those who make history but on the side of those who suffer in it.”

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CHANGES AND PROSPECTS OF CONTEMPORARY ETHNIC IDENTITY - The case of Bulgaria

Author(s): Tanya Nedelcheva,Stefan Em. Nikolov / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2012

Contemporary social changes in Bulgaria instigate a broad range of interactions between various ethnic groups, from harmony to tensions. Involved is transformation of national identity, emergence of new, different from existing, types of identities. First process here is the crisis of the built in another historical contexts Bulgarian national identity. Its flexibility and ability to co-exist with various ethnic groups, to enforce multiculturalism, to set new forms of integration and differentiation is contested by the imperatives of social time. Second process occurs from redefining of the very concept of ethnic identities within the nation-state. The design of the dominating unified and monolithic nation is no more taken for granted. Due to various reasons, in Bulgaria from the late 1980s and early 1990s each one of the major ethnic communities (Bulgarian, Turkish and Roma) ‘rewrite’ the basic parameters of their self-consciousness, the we-image and they-image. These processes are characterized by • enhanced ethno-centrist attitudes; • increased ethnic distances; • prevalence of negative They-images; • enhanced intra-ethnic stratification 21st century brought systematic and contemplated building of ethnic and national identities. In our case, historically established cultural substance, the Bulgarian people, holds as a principle compatibility, and co-existence of diverse groups. It is rather a process of institutionalization and continuation in noticeable forms of this traditional version of the relationships between the different ethnic backgrounds. Important here is to emphasize the productive, positive trend, linked to the transformation of national identity, which is modified according to a larger community, that of the European peoples.

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