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In politics protesting is the less efficient weapon because here it is all about negotiations. Why didn’t we have a massive protest in the Communist Era? Protesters became traitors. And nowadays we can still talk about such a situation.
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The huge constructivist apartment house built in the 1930s in downtownMoscow, on the bank of the Moskva river, owes its present -day name to YuryTrifonov’s novel The House on the Embankment (1976). Being an example ofarchitecture typical of the Stalinist regime and a symbol of the regime’s triumphand dominance over man, the house functions as a very special character inTrifonov’s novel. It represents both individual and collective memory, shows thedestructive influence of history and politics on the life of an individual and thewhole nation. The House on the Embankment, related to the archetypal imageof house, which is traditionally perceived as a space of love, safety and family ties,emerges in Trifonov’s novel as an anti -house, a dehumanizing space in which theintergenerational relations are destroyed and which signifies man’s submission toand fear of authorities.
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''ELECTORAL FARCE" - MEMORANDUM: OF 9 JUNE 1996 To: The U.S. State Department The European Union Diplomatic representatives of the member-states of the Council of Europe For the infornlation of: National and international non-governmental organisations The democratic public in Albania and abroad Front: A group of writers, scholars, artists, journalists, translators, publishers, independent of all political parties. The institutions of democracy in Albania are in a state of collapse. A free and sovereign ballot was stolen and abused in the elections of 26 May 1996 for the parliament of the Republic of Albania, and no parliament possessing democratic legitimacy now exists.
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In this study, Military Revolution that was claimed to embody in Early Modern Europe and the related debate, both of which have gained a prominent place in Western Military History literature, are being intended to be conveyed in an analytical and simple format yet retaining the intricacies resulting from the complex nature of the issue. Besides, the broad lines of the concepts of Military Technical Revolution(MTR) and Revolution in Military Affairs(RMA) together with the related debate are pointed out with a view to their origins. It would be very useful to track those debates in order to apprehend the transformation and mutual interaction of military, economic and technological dynamics.
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Die Politik der Administration von Bush jr. ist keine Fortschreibung alter Politik. Als neokonservative Rebellen glauben ihre Protagonisten aus der Geschichte und den Fehlern der Vergangenheit gelernt zu haben und streben nun einen fundamentalen Wandel der globalen Ordnung an.
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Stan, w jakim znajduje się Unia Europejska, nie od dzisiaj określa się mianem kryzysu przywództwa. Wobec nieprzejrzystości sytuacji i na poziomie UE, i w krajach członkowskich przewodnictwo Niemiec w pierwszej połowie 2007 r. nabiera szczególnej wagi. Tymczasem stosunek Niemiec do integracji europejskiej podlega głębokim zmianom i staje się znacznie mniej afirmatywny, niż był w przeszłości. Większa warunkowość będą instrumentalność stosunku Niemiec do UE wynika przede wszystkim z problemów wewnętrznych oraz przemian w procesie integracji, które Niemcy w dużej mierze same sprowokowały. Zdolność Niemiec do przywództwa w Unii Europejskiej i odgrywania roli spoiwa naruszonej w ostatnim czasie konstrukcji sprawdzi się podczas ich prezydencji - w pracy nad rozwiązywaniem trzech kwestii, którymi są: reaktywacja europejskiej konstytucji, polityka energetyczna oraz nowa polityka wschodnia (polityka sąsiedztwa).
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Vintilă Mihăilescu writes a short essay on “Romanian fatalism”. But he suggests that it is not about a „national specific fatalism”, but a traditional societies one. So there is no need to hide our failures behind this convenient false explanation.
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Im Gegensatz zu den meisten französischen Intellektuellen hat Marek Halter eine vorsichtig positive Meinung über das Russland Vladimir Putins, zumal er es auf eine Zeitachse mit dem totalitären Gulag-System stellt und die relativ zivilen Formen der Einführung der Marktwirtschaft mit den Frühzeiten des Kapitalismus vergleicht. Über die Streitfrage Tschetschenien kommt die Frage der Einzigartigkeit historischer Erfahrungen, der Erinnerung, die nie nur für sich selbst stehen soll, und der Gerechtigkeit im Falle des Konflikts zwischen Israelis und Palästinensern zur Sprache. An Interview with Marek Halter
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„Germany has been an early and determined advocate of EU enlargement. The accession of the Eastern and South Eastern European countries to the EU, the vision a Europe whole and free, was and certainly still is a historical and political obligation for all of us. […]“
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The European Union has changed Europe irreversibly. Regardless of the fate of the Lisbon Treaty, a new phase of intergovernmental debates on the EU’s development cannot be avoided. Wise reform should be the strategic objective of reflections on Europe’s institutional architecture and its global role, especially in view of delays in examining Europe’s role in the world.
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The article briefly explores contribution of the media in fighting corruption stressing the role of professional ethics. The focus of the article is placed on the preventive potential in fighting corruption of an information published, particularly in the countries that only had initiated democratic transformation.
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In the international context, the notions of nationality and national state will loose their meaning. One speaks today of “regional states”, of opening the national markets, of offering access through education to outside information, of the need to enforce regulations as regards cartels, competition, intellectual property, environmental protection.
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”We Stand in Historical Legal Grounds”. A Case Study in Political Discourse Studies about the Role of Act I of 1946 in the Debate of Re-establishing the Institution of the President of the Republic in 1989–90 The paper focuses on the role of the historical arguments in the presidency debate in 1989–90. This debate was one of the most important episodes of democratic transition in Hungary, and notably it contributed to the reinstallation of political pluralism as well, for the controversies over the forms and rules of the presidential system put an end to the temporary tactical unity of the opposition groups sitting together at the Opposition Roundtable. The differences had been crystallized around two topics: the mode of election (by the people vs. by the legislature) and the importance within the political system (semi-presidential vs. parliamentary system). The historical arguments brought forward by the late prime minister, József Antall proposed a compromise between the state-party’s views (semi-presidential system and direct election) and the most determined parts of the Opposition Roundtable (Free Democrats and Young Democrats) establishing a general principle grounded on arguments of a historical public-legal continuity for parliamentary system and a possibility of exception appealing to the exceptionality of the situation. While this proposal was never accepted by all sides of the Roundtable talks, at the same time, due to their liberal and democratic content, the historical arguments made it possible to make partial compromises between the state-partyand the moderate groups (Forum of Hungarian Democrats) of the opposition, later between the newly elected parliamentary majority (Forum) and opposition (Free Democrats) and this way it helped to make the process of democratic transition easier. Ironically, these historical arguments for a liberal democratic political model later effected heated debates between the new right and left parliamentary parties after 1990 as well, for the conception of historical continuity underwent a change of reference and became identified with the anti-democratic, anti-liberal and merely anachronistic political traditions of the Hungarian political culture.
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The concept of "Homeland security" is subjected to debates. The strict translation into Romanian does not illustrate the entire definition established by the American scholars. That is why we need to carefully analyse the existing theories in order to be able to juxtapose a Romanian one.
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"We are here to talk about Europe as a Democracy Promoter Europe is in the middle of a profound debate about its future Yet whatever the differences may be on issues such as future financing, there can be little doubt that enlargements is one of the EU's greatest successes. It has helped spread peace, prosperity and stability across the continent The prospect of EU membership also acts as a Democracy Promoter It is a magnet for positive change It encourages reform In newly democratised countries, it helps civil institutions, the protection of human rights and the roots of democracy to be strengthened. [...]"
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One of the main issues identified during the study of the Internet as media support and the engineering of the value as a method to develop strategic intelligence effi ciency is the Internet influence on behavior and the rules which conduct the Intelligence working - a complex process of the leading act. The Internet as we know today reconfigures the entire social context of communication in a total different manner; both do to the specific nature of this new environment and to the fastness and unlimited character of the technology development. This fact assures new quantity and quality of the human connectivity. The value engineering– the method of the value analyses – is a part of economical tools, using the functional approach of the products related to the beneficiary demanding. We believe that this tool can be applied also in the fi eld of Military Intelligence with promising results for the future.
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If one follows the political argumentation in democratic states carefully, one might come to the conclusion that political actions are appraised and justified primarily by a recourse to the concepts of "the common good" or "national interests". In this vein, they are applied not only by politicians, but also by media commentators and citizens, as a yardstick for the evaluation and acceptance, or otherwise, of decisions made by the politicians. On the other hand, both empirical observations of political life and the logical premises indicate unambiguously that the arguments referring to a 'common good' or 'national interest' cannot be acknowledged as either the underlying reasons of political decisions or indicators with which to evaluate political actions. The logical and empirical feasibility of providing grounds for regarding these concepts as the reasons for which political decisions are made is discussed in the article, which also raises questions as to the causes why they are so enduring and useful in political communication.
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