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Author focuses on the role of social phenomena and their conceptual approach in the dramatical failures happened to Moldova lately, the author mentions also the role of the far and near environment.
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Zoe Petre writes an article about the Romania and NATO vs. European Integration Process. The author suggests that there is no incompatibility between the two targets. Romania needs NATO for military security, but Romania also needs European Union for economic safety and prosperity. There is no need to panic that Romania wants both of them.
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Rodica Culcer makes some comments about Unites States of America and European Union from the Romanian point of view. She tries to see if the stronger collaboration with USA can bring more advantages on a short term for Romania. The negotiations with EU are just at the beginning and there are many problems to be solved, while NATO is not any more just a dream.
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Magdalena Boiangiu takes an interview with Mircea Geoană, Romanian Minister for Foreign Affairs. The main subjects discussed on this occasion are European Union, NATO and the effort that Romania made in the last years for integration. Mircea Geoană speaks about the plans and actions for the next four years.
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Elena Ştefoi realizes a synthesis of the political actions in the last decade concerning European and NATO integration of Romania. She suggests that Romania has many interesting perspectives, ether continental or regional, but it is very important that the diplomacy actions to be followed by an economic development and growth.
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Magdalena Boiangiu writes an essay about Balkans region, starting from a study published by Ivan Krastev in Journal of Democracy. She is interested in a political point of view on this open to democracy region. Turkey, Romania, Bulgaria, Macedonia, Yugoslavia have to solve new demands and to cooperate for social, political and military stability.
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Cristian Ghinea suggests that Romania has all needed qualities to become a NATO member. Romania improved its military equipment, sent troups in Yugoslavia and Afghanistan and, a very important detail, the population wants a NATO integration. The only problem is that Romanian economy is not strong enough yet so the EU integration remains just an aspiration.
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The Bosnian paradigm represents a challenge for academic research and requires a multidisciplinary approach, with relevant perspectives chosen according to the particular subject-matter or theme. However, my own research interest in Bosnia is focused on the complex context of the Bosnian paradigm, on the totality of Bosnia. There are of course a number of pitfalls in the methods used in such academic research; however, a multidisciplinary approach to learning the "truth" on a social subject has long been my own fundamental research orientation. This article complements my political study of 1997 and an earlier historical overview (The Bosnian paradigm represents a challenge for academic research and requires a multidisciplinary approach, with relevant perspectives chosen according to the particular subject-matter or theme. However, my own research interest in Bosnia is focused on the complex context of the Bosnian paradigm, on the totality of Bosnia. There are of course a number of pitfalls in the methods used in such academic research; however, a multidisciplinary approach to learning the "truth" on a social subject has long been my own fundamental research orientation. This article complements my political study of 1997 and an earlier historical overview (Kržišnik-Bukić, 1996/1997). (...)
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The author agrees that the problem for all three religious communities in BiH is the use of religious persuasion as a shibboleth of identity, and thus as a means of justifying political separateness. He argues that the solution is to uncouple the religious from the mundane: "for the contemporary state to be as secular as possible,and [...] religion to be as spiritual as possible". "There has been a kind of renaissance of religion in former Yugoslavia as regards its involvement in public life. There is an interconnection and even a direct link between the religious (predominantly moral) and the political (predominantly impregnated with social power). When clashes within society arise, religions - some to a greater, some to a lesser extent - do not hesitate to manifest their power by legalizing the use of violence in the areas dominated by politics. It is hard to refute the argument that every developed religion has at least three constituents: ideological, interpretative, and normative-directional". (...)
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In his article the author equates Bosnian identity with loyalty to the Bosnian state, which he sees as the most effective guarantor of all three sub-identities (Bosnian Croat, Bosnian Serb and Bosniak). As for Bosniak identity, he sees it as having three components: one geographic (the European element), one religious (the Muslim element), and one historical (the fact that the Bosniak heritage reaches back through all phases of Bosnia´s history, not merely to its Ottoman/Muslim phase). "The Bosnian and European identities are not the Bosniaks´ only characteristics, but they, along with our Bosniak and Muslim identities, are among the most important. The Bosniaks, of course, are not the only ones in Bosnia who have both Bosnian and European identities, although during the recent turbulent years this has been the subject of heated debate. But one should be wary of conclusions arising from heated debates. In those difficult years, as a result of the harrying of Bosnia by Serb and Croat nationalists, many Bosniaks both within and outside Bosnia may have doubted that the Bosnian Croats, and especially the Bosnian Serbs, might also have a Bosnian identity." (...)
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The author sees the bases of intolerance as lying within Bosnia, in the pre-modern division of society into ethno-religious communities during the Ottoman period. Lovrenović implies that tolerance lies in a rapprochement between religion and modernity. This, Lovrenović argues, began to take place during the later Communist years; but when a multi-party system permitted political identification along religious lines, Bosnian-Herzegovinan society reverted to a set of mutually intolerant, pre-modern ethnoreligious communities. The solution, Lovrenović cautiously proposes, lies in a truly democratic system, which will allow "the spiritual and individual dimensions of religion [to] prevail over ethno-cultural and group identification".
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Kurzman tackles the unspoken premise of the clash-of-civilizations theorists: that of the demonisation of Islam by the West. Kurzman echoes Mahmutćehajić in arguing that in "liberal" Islam (i.e. one that takes account of both modernity and tradition, to use Mahmutćehajić´s terms) there are strong philosophical grounds for tolerance of other religions and for social models based on co-existence rather than conflict. "Many non-Muslims have a picture of Islam as uniformly intolerant and fanatic, a picture that is rooted in centuries of hostilities and misimpressions. I argue that this picture is erroneous, and that there is a growing number of Muslims who share common concerns with Western liberalism. One of these concerns is peaceful multi-religious co-existence. I believe there are three primary Islamic approaches to the subject of peaceful multi-religious co-existence: The first approach I call the "liberal shari´a". In this approach Islamic scholars base." (...)
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The crisis to the east is severely testing cooperation in Central Europe.
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