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The resulting situation at the international as well as regional level has reactivated the foreign policy of the parties (Chisinau and Tiraspol), which reacted to the provocations and the threats of the diplomatic realities in the region.At the moment, the negotiation process is characterized by an activation of the peaceful resolution mechanisms of the Transnistrian issue. The dynamics of the dialog between Chisinau and Tiraspol is mostly due to the necessity of creating and applying the agreements established in the Vienna Protocol on November 27th -28th 2017.The regulation of the political problems between Chisinau and Tiraspol is related to the diplomatic capacity of the "5+2" format and is a very complex and long-term process.The uniqueness of the present situation is that for the first time there has been significant progress in the peace settlement of the Transnistrian conflict.
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Political instability and economic recession impede the development of social reforms and, ultimately, adversely affect the well-being of the population on both banks of the Dniester. Health care reform in Transdniestria requires operational. It is important to determine which medical services should be provided to the population free of charge within the guaranteed minimum of medical care, and for which you will have to pay, taking into account the current level of economic development and budget financing.Based on the reading, it is clear that the leadership of Transnistria itself solves the most acute problems in health care, not relying on the help of Western funds, and representatives of the civil society of Transnistria see absolutely different way to which available European funds to solve which problems and assistance to which category of Transnistrian population.
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This article is an analysis of the linguistic and educational policies promoted by Transnistrian authorities and the repercussions of educational strategies on the realization and respect of education rights of Moldovans living on the left bank of the Dniester. Author consider that the most important problems that have been proliferated over time at the educational level in the Transnistrian region are:1. Ensuring the right to education in the mother tongue for Moldovans in the formula developed by Tiraspol (Moldovan language with Cyrillic script); 2. Situation of Moldovan schools with teaching in Latin script, and 3. Integration of the studies obtained by the inhabitants from the left bank of the Dniester River into the educational system of the Republic of Moldova and recognition of the diplomas issued by the institutions subordinated to the unconstitutional authorities in Tiraspol. Respectively, the realization of the analysis of the subject of the linguistic and educational policy in the transnistrian region in this article will be achieved through these key dimensions.
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The book of journalist Corneliu Filip, a doctor in history, accumulates the tools of the two disciplines (journalism and historical research) to give a edited format to a key theme for the Moldovan society, but also for regional and international policy, of immediate interest to Romania, the European Union, the Russian Federation and Ukraine.Under the title "Republic of Moldova - Prisoner of Geopolitics between Brussels and Moscow", the author inserts analytical texts of historical and political value, which appear in an optimal combination of logical and chronological criteria, explaining the vicious circle in which the Republic of Moldova is evolving - because of the root cause of regional geopolitics, which is unhappily transferring to domestic politics.In such a content economy, it was necessary and inevitable that the issue of Transnistria should be present as a description and explanation.
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The activity of some great politicians and statesmen of the time was of particular importance for the achievement of the Great Union in 1918. A remarkable personality of that time is Ion I.C. Brătianu. In this study we recall the great politician and statesman and in particular his major contribution to the adoption of the Constitution of 1923 which conferred constitutional significance to the great Union; he also contributed to the legislation adopted on the basis of the Fundamental Law from 1923 which aligned the Romanian state to the European states. The study outlines the historical context and content of the Declarations adopted in 1918 by which the Romanian provinces under foreign rule joined the Kingdom of Romania. We consider that these documents are legal and political acts of constitutional value that are important for Romanian constitutionalism.
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The lobby activity is recognized as an action to influence the political decision making process. Lobby can be analyzed from the perspective of the game theory, as a sub-topic of rational choice theory. According to Neuman and Morgenstern (1953), an analysis of a game must take into account several criteria and their interdependencies: the categories of players, their strategies, the choices made, the chosen standard of behavior with impact probabilities and the expected results. Depending on these criteria the theory describes several types of games which could be applied to the lobby. The purpose of this article is to show through a comparative analysis how lobby can be described using the criteria of this political science theory.
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Hidden explosives have taken hundreds of civilian lives so far as the war rolls into its sixth year.
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Transport route, energy source, and symbol of identity, the Dnipro cuts a broad swathe across Ukraine’s national consciousness.
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The European Union exists in the current context in the shape of an incomplete social contract, combining characteristics traditionally attributed to states with specific elements of intergovernmental structures. The result of this unprecedented addition consists in a hybrid structure, an open-ended experiment that exceeds the limits of fixed theoretical frames. Built on a solid democratic foundation, the European Union has created a new community with shared identity and goals that are more or less assumed by its citizens. Thus, the public factor has acquired a central dimension both for the gradual process of European integration and for the very existence of the European project. Starting from these premises, this paper seeks to frame the concepts of public support and Euroscepticism, as well as to elucidate the relationship between the aforementioned concepts.
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The connections between the rationalistic way of founding, or politics understanding and the political life, between the rationalistic structures of argumentation, legitimation or rejection and the political decisions sphere are largely debated subjects in political theory. There are many ways of approaching these themes. There are some attempts meant to show the continuity and the coherence of rationalism in modern politics. Others, as conservatism, postmodern pragmatism or decisionism strongly criticize rationalism. Some theories, as in the case of rational choice theory, or of critical differentialism, try to adjust the rationalistic view, so that it could match with a certain part of political life. These critical prospects, together with those meant to adjust rationalism, do have consistent arguments pleading that rationalism could no longer be seen as the only or the absolutely certain lens, offered by modern political theory, supposed to observe, legitimate and evaluate politics correctly.
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In the face of ever lower benefits from public pension systems, life insurance with a capital fund is becoming an increasingly important element in the construction of additional individual pension security. However, when deciding on the conclusion of a long-term insurance contract, it is important to know the general terms and conditions of the contract, which candidates for insurance must meet, but also their expectations of protecting capital in the face of falling market interest rates.
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The shadow economy is a diverse concept and encompasses a series of phenomena whose common feature is the fact that it is beyond the control of the state. The complexity of the definition of the shadow economy also has its consequences, among others in its proper measurement and creating precise mechanisms aimed at combating it. The underground economy is constantly changing and adapting to current market conditions. In particular, the latest changes in the ways of working and business models, the development of the digital economy, wider social changes and globalization make new activities appear in the shadow economy and some existing ones expand their intensity and scope. They can create new social problems and may potentially undermine tax compliance in a wider scope. Therefore, the aim of this publication is to diagnose the main areas of activity in the shadow economy, with simultaneous indication of the causes and economic effects of its functioning and to determine the importance of the shadow economy in the EU member states.
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The article analyzes the impact of the European immigration crisis on disintegration processes in the European Union. After the presentation of the genesis and development of the immigration crisis in Europe after 2015 author, attempts to show the existing differences between countries in the context of the current immigration crisis. The final part of the study shows the source of the existing differences between the Member States. An attempt was also made to assess the consequences for the European Union of further intensification of disintegration processes.
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The article presented the significance of the media in the sphere of political communication. Currently, it is difficult to talk about the political communication, without paying attention to the role, which in the sphere if information exchange between the political actors and citizens is played by the media, especially the Internet, which has significantly changed the character of the political communication. The new media provide the citizens with the possibilities in terms of commenting and providing the immediate feedback to the senders of the political messages.
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In their paper, the authors deal with new forms of politainment which beside classical media is also present in Internet environment. Based on theories of the theater theorist Rüdiger Ontrup and traditional forms of political theater in media, such as personification, stories and drama, amusement artistic and social roles drama are expanded for new forms that have been enabled by Facebook, Youtube or a principle of user-generated concept.
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The paper focuses on the current socio-political issue and discourse on the topic of the differences between mainstream and alternative media. The author examines the phenomena using comparative and descriptive methods as well as analysis and synthesis. Works of the most prolific authors on the dichotomy of mainstream and alternative media are analyzed and compared in effort to find consensus on the criteria used when determining the alternative or mainstream character of a media outlet.
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One of the basic problems facing the circles representing the Polish national interest inthe last years of the partitions was the considerable ethnic diversity of the population inthe area which could potentially become the territory of the reborn Commonwealth.Particular parties wanted to solve this problem differently and, therefore, their visions ofthe reborn Polish state and the policy they were planning to implement in relation to thenon-Polish population were different. The decision that took place was the result ofopposing political options in conditions determined by the prevailing intellectualatmosphere. In the crucial period of 1918-1921, it was influenced by opinions expressedby the Romer brothers, Jan and Eugeniusz. As far as national issues are concerned, theyrepresented views typical of a significant part of Poles. The study presents the positionof Romer in relation to the so-called Ruthenian affairs, that is to say, to aspirations ofthe Ruthenians (usually called Ukrainians nowadays). This was a very important issuefrom the point of view of the shape of the reviving Polish statehood. The attitudetowards the Ruthenians was shown in the context of the worldview, politicalorientation and general attitude of the Romers to nationality issues. The data used forthe analysis come from the documents of the Peace Conference in Paris and from theposthumous editions of the memoirs of Jan and Eugeniusz Romer.
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The aim of this paper is twofold. It should point to the main directions in contemporary studies of the state as an idea and a set of institutional practices and to the ways in which the state can be theorized in the studies of European postsocialism. Anthropological studies of the changes in Eastern Europe after the fall of the Berlin wall can be turned in the real laboratory for the studies of the state. Central characteristic of these changes is transformation of the state and political system. Anthropological studies of these processes are not merely an illustration of global processes, but an important contribution to the understanding of contemporary political processes in general.
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By focusing on narratives of customs officers from Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, I examine how technological and organizational change of customs work influences governance and sovereignty of the state and how customs officers produced a specific imaginary of the state through their narratives. Supporting the contention that the transnational flow of goods and people restructures rather than undermines the state power, the Serbian and Bosnian cases reveal how technological and organizational change of customs work opened up new arenas for an expression of state sovereignty and new modes of governance. Furthermore, I analyze narratives about unauthorized actions, or shady business as customs officers call it, as a mechanism through which “the state” is discursively constructed.
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