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The present German edition of my work follows the Italian original edition with a time shift of five years. However, I hope the book will not be out of date. I could not make up my mind to make changes in the text, not even where the presentation could appear to have been corrected by recent political experiences, for instance on the last pages of the chapter on Italy. After all, it was not my intention to write a book that was merely “topical”: not the political report of the day, but only the story itself, I believe, will be able to correct or confirm my theses after a more comprehensive and calm process. Various difficulties had to be overcome in organizing the translation. I would like to thank the publisher for the care that it has put into it.
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Both Kosovo and Serbia are situated in a region susceptible to various organized crime activities. According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), the Balkan region is one of the main heroin trafficking corridors linking Afghanistan to the huge markets of Western Europe.1 “The Balkan route traverses the Islamic Republic of Iran (often via Pakistan), Turkey, Greece and Bulgaria across South-East Europe to the Western European market, with an annual market value of some $20 billion.2” Despite the large market value of the drugs passing through the Balkans, only 24 per cent of the 73.7 metric tons of heroin seized worldwide was intercepted in the region,4 while 39 per cent is seized in the Near- and Middle East and South-West Asia and 10 per cent in Western and Central Europe respectively.
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The publication is part of the study of international relations in the context of their relations with the media and journalists, especially war journalism. The historical and political background of wars outlined in the publication, combined with the analysis of journalistic presentations of wars, reveals a point of contact between international politics and societies and the media. In the monograph, each time outlining the political and historical background of wars, over 40 journalistic war reports published in book form were analyzed, from 9 wars, conducted since 1918 until the beginning of the 21st century, in various parts of the world (Europe, Africa, Indochina, the Caucasus, the Balkans, Iraq, Afghanistan). In addition, the study presents the work of journalists during the war over the years, the tradition of war relations since antiquity and its status in global journalism, the definition and typology of war correspondents, and issues of sources, professional ethics, documentary value of reports, as well as war propaganda and ways of influencing the recipients. A significant amount of space in the work is devoted to military announcements and reports from the Polish-Bolshevik war to the peace mission and stabilization mission at the turn of the 20th and 21st century, as well as the work of press officers of the Polish Army.
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Where does Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s resilience derive from? Why did he, and the AKP, win the double May 2023 elections again? How did the opposition perform? What were the opposition’s mistakes? How will domestic and foreign policy issues unfold after the elections?These are just a few of the questions the present collection tries to answer. Demonstrating how Turkey’s politics have developed the present volume brings together approaches from politics, sociology, and history, and sheds much-needed light on these crucial questions. They offer scholars and non-specialists alike a comprehensive overview of the implications of the recent elections in almost every aspect of Turkish society. Finally, the chapters that are hosted here provide informed deliberations about Turkey’s future."This collective volume sheds new light on the durability of the Erdoğan regime despite the heavy crises Turkey is going through, and more importantly, shows the limits of an opposition that is unable to propose a democratic transformation of the country, to become a credible alternative to it." - Prof. Hamit Bozarslan, EHESS, ParisThis timely collection features some of the sharpest voices in and on Turkey today, packaged in short, digestible chapters. Coverage includes the role of ideology, incumbent and opposition alliances, the economy, devastating earthquakes, minorities, youth, and relations with external actors like Greece and the European Union. The book will help students and experts alike to make sense of the multi-faceted causes and consequences of a milestone in Turkey's trajectory: 2023 elections and their implications for the country, its region, and the world. - Assoc. Prof. Nora Fisher Onar, University of San Francisco
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The theme of ‘continuity and change’ is generally acknowledged as an important and a highly complex problem. Asia is considered as one of the most dynamically changing parts of the worlds. The quick economic, political and socio-cultural changes are generating interesting topics in those scholarly fields such as anthropology, ethnography, linguistics and literary studies, or in other fields of social, political and economic science. Especially after the years of anti-Covid 19, measures it is important to understand what remains stable or what had been changed and may be lost forever.
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The book is the first comprehensive attempt to present complex problems in the Polish-Belarusian relations embedded in a broad international context. Political changes and the transition in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989 initiated the establishment of diplomatic relations with the countries of the former Eastern bloc as well as with those which regained independence after the fall of the Soviet Union. In this group of issues, the relations with Belarus did not come to the forefront, and their subsequent phases were characterized by alternating attempts at dialogue, interspersed with periods of regression and mutual suspicion. The most dramatic period was from 2020 to 2023, when Belarus, inspired by Russia, caused a migration crisis on the border with Poland, and then became involved in the Kremlin war against Ukraine.
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The collection prepared by the group of researchers and educators from the Faculty of Law and Administration of the University of Warsaw contains legal acts from the history of administration of the Polish state and countries such as: Austria, Prussia and Germany, Russia and USSR, France, England and the United States, whose legislation had a relevant impact on the state legal system and administrative and legal solutions in force on Polish lands. The first part of the publication consists of documents regarding the system and administration of countries other than Poland. The second part discusses the regulations regarding the Polish state, including its constitutional law, government administration, local government and non-territorial self-government, administrative judiciary and legal protection bodies, as well as official law and administrative procedure. Such perspective makes it possible, among others, to track changesin the process of ruling a country and functioning of an autonomy, and thus facilitates understanding of contemporary solutions.
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The author of the monograph discusses the jurisprudence of constitutional courts of selected countries of Central and Eastern Europe: the Republic of Poland, the Republic of Lithuania, the Czech Republic, the Slovak Republic and the Republic of Croatia. He also undertakes an assessment of its impact on the formation of basic (constitutional) principles of financing local governments: the principle of financial independence and adequacy of the activities of local government units and the guarantees resulting from them. Particular attention is paid to the discussion of the role of constitutional courts in determining acceptable conditions for limiting the rules in question, the reasons for breaching the rules and the criteria used by courts to determine them.
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Issues regarding the future of the European Union have become very important, especially in the context of political and social changes across Europe, including in Poland and Austria. The study of pro- and anti-European attitudes is becoming a key area of analysis to understand the dynamics of European societies in the face of political, economic and cultural challenges. The considerations contained in this publication focus on the period from 2015 to 2021. I focus my attention on two important countries: Poland and Austria, which, despite their different histories and experiences, have many common features. By analyzing articles published in the influential weekly magazines "Polityka" in Poland and "Der Spiegel" in Austria, I try to interpret the diverse attitudes of citizens towards the idea of a common Europe. The time caesura I have designated for the purposes of this analysis is not accidental. The year 2015 was a time of change in the Polish government, where Law and Justice gained the largest parliamentary club in the history of the Third Polish Republic. In Austria, in 2017, the Christian Democrat ÖVP won the elections. The key aim of my research is to identify pro- and anti-European trends and to understand the main factors shaping these attitudes. What political, social and economic events influence the perception of the European Union? What are the main narratives in the Polish and Austrian media in the context of European events? I made the answers to these questions the content of the book. Based on C. Gerbner's method of content analysis of media messages, the research focuses on identifying differences and similarities in the approach of political actors to European issues. I also analyze the role of the media in shaping pro- or anti-European attitudes. In the results of the content analysis of the analyzed weekly magazines, I try to show the complexity of citizens' attitudes and their evolution in the period under study. This book is an attempt to answer the question about the shape of the official discourse of parliamentary parties on topics related to European integration and the European Union itself. The analysis is carried out through the prism of two levels: the idea of Europe and the organization of Europe (understood as the organizational structure of the EU and the way it will function in the future).
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This study focuses on the role of the "Other" in shaping nationalism and national identity through a case study of South Korea and its relations with North Korea and Japan. The main goal is to identify, characterise and analyse the different roles assigned to neighbouring countries in the process of constructing South Korean national identity. The research focused on film narratives, which have a significant impact on shaping collective memory and national identity and constitute an important political and ideological tool. In South Korea, policy is shaped not only by rational factors but also in relation to two "Significant Others" - Japan and North Korea. In such a situation, emotional factors play a role in decision-making. Moreover, having two “Significant Others” and two identities – Korean and South Korean – complicates international relations. With Korean identity, South Korea should strive for unification with the DPRK while at the same time feeling the need to come to terms with the colonial period, which generates conflict with Japan. However, for the South Korean identity, the greatest threat is North Korea - also in the sense of symbolic legitimisation of Korean power and representation. This identity requires striving for domination over the DPRK and encourages cooperation with Japan based on shared values. Having two identities defined in relation to two different "enemies" means that the ROK's policy towards Japan and North Korea changes frequently. Identifying and characterising the roles that these states play as Significant Others in South Korean national narratives becomes a useful tool in analysing South Korea's behaviour in the international arena.
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In the light of increasing environmental degradation and the climate crisis, among others, and the intertwined augmented pressures on the global population’s well-being, human-Nature relationships have become a topical issue. These relationships are intrinsically politico-ecological, currently shaped by capitalist-modernity that functions based on extractivism. Therefore, it is imperative to shift towards more caring human-Nature relationships, which are being developed in and through political counter-movements. Taking the Zapatista movement as an example, this book explores other ways of thinking and acting towards Nature that allows for the development of non-exploitative human-Nature relationships. It follows the argument that the Zapatista fight is a politico-ecological one, in which the movement’s political aims and decisions are grounded in a Mayan-derived, indigenous worldview of Nature and in their influence in defining more caring human-Nature relationships; and that, therefore, their fight is also expressed through the ways they put these relationships in practice, particularly in their ways of doing agriculture (through agroecology, based on values such as care, respect, and democracy). In turn, these help to guarantee not only their resistance to the dominant extractivist system, but also their autonomy, the main aim of the civil part of the Zapatista movement.
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Populizm stał się epitetem codzienności, który ideologiczne aparaty państwa oraz szczególnie aktywne media wykorzystują, aby winą za rządy nieodpowiedzialnych polityków obarczyć rzekomo bezrozumny lud, który zamiast wybierać polityków obiecujących to, czego ów lud sam pragnie, winien wybierać tylko to i tych, których propozycje znajdują się w spektrum systemowych możliwości oraz są akceptowalne dla dotychczasowego establishmentu.
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Autor podnosi w sposób pionierski problematykę emocji w perspektywie mechanizmów życia politycznego. Bogata literatura, różnorodna problematyka, żywy i klarowny język sprawiają, że książka z pewnością spotka się z żywym zainteresowaniem czytelników i reakcją zwłaszcza środowisk akademickich. Widzialność zawiści... Pierzchalskiego to książka odważna, nowoczesna i jednocześnie książka o widzialności. Można tylko pogratulować Autorowi i życzyć, aby Widzialna zawiść... była bardzo dobrze widzialna. prof. Jerzy Kochan Pierzchalski, meandrując po historii myśli politycznej, filozofii i psychologii prowadzi czytelnika przez niemal wszystkie tropy refleksji, w której pojawiał się namysł nad socjo-kulturową (kolektywną, międzypokoleniową) naturą emocji kształtujących procesy indywidualnej percepcji obiektów i zjawisk politycznych. Może imponować swoboda, z jaką autor miksuje spostrzeżenia klasyków antyku, Kartezjusza, tradycji marksowskiej, kulturowego nurtu socjologii wiedzy z ustaleniami przedstawicieli współczesnej kognitywistyki i neuronauki. prof. Lech Szczegóła Filip Pierzchalski – doktor habilitowany, politolog pracujący w Katedrze Teorii Polityki i Myśli Politycznej Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego. Autor licznych artykułów naukowych poświęconych teoretycznym wyzwaniom we współczesnej nauce o polityce, kategorii podmiotowości politycznej, socjotechnice politycznej oraz zjawisku przywództwa politycznego. Autor monografii: Podmiotowość polityczna w perspektywie indywidualistycznej i holistycznej (2009); Morfogeneza przywództwa politycznego. Pomiędzy strukturą a podmiotowością sprawczą (2013); Political Leadership: Structure – Consciousness – Emotions (2023).
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The topic of Serbia’s foreign policy alignment with the European Union (EU) is one of the politically most challenging aspects of Serbia’s negotiations with the Union. The Union defines its foreign policy course based on decisions taken by the European Council which sets the long-term course, but also on decisions taken by the Council of the European Union (Council’s foreign policy format composed of foreign ministers of EU member states). The decisions of the Council of the European Union are made public through foreign policy declarations issued on behalf of the EU by the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. EU foreign policy declarations can either be announcements of position concerning a certain international situation or event and/ or announcements of measures that the EU adopts targeting certain countries, individuals or entities. Such declarations normally require alignment of partner countries (candidate countries, potential candidate countries, countries in the Eastern Partnership Programme and member countries of the European Economic Area).
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Guide to Serbia’s Accession to the EU keeps with ISAC’s tradition of a publication which is designed as a reference and a learning tool to be used by both professionals, who are working on issues related to Serbia and the EU, and by the wider audience interested in the subject matter. Besides dealing with the structure of the EU and the EU’s regional approach towards the Western Balkans, the publication also explains the negotiation process and it gives a brief overview of all of the negotiations chapters.
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The purpose of this study is precisely to provide the first information about the content of negotiations in the Chapter 30, and provide the basis for the beginning of the public debate on these issues. The main challenges and dilemmas that await us as a country during the negotiations are presented in a concise manner. The publication is also the first product of the partnership and collaboration of the International and Security Affairs Centre (ISAC) and the European Policy Centre (CEP), regarding the support and following of the negotiations in the Chapter 30 in the subsequent period.
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Excerpt from the review of Prof. Dr. Predrag Simic: Compendium “Neutrality in the XXI century – Lessons for Serbia” is the most ambitious attempt so far in Serbia to comprehensively and in-depth address the issue of neutrality in contemporary international relations, the question which is, in Serbia as well as in many other countries, a subject to scientific and political debates and conflicting interpretations. What characterized this project is a good selection of topics, a fine structure of the compendium and the expertise of authors. All of those contributed so that the readers of the book gets familiar with experiences and contemporary views of the old and the new neutral countries, but also with the main issues raised by the debates about neutrality which are now taking place and also the importance, or rather, unimportance, of neutrality in contemporary circumstances. Thus, the compilers of this compendium offered answers to many questions which are also relevant for Serbia. It can therefore be concluded that this compendium will be able to offer to the Serbian scientific and political public the answers to many questions that were the subject of a broad debate about its political and strategic decisions in the recent years.
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