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Contesting Refugees in Turkey: Political Parties and the Syrian Refugees
Political parties and their attitudes towards Refugees and Syrian refugees in Turkey are examined in this chapter.
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Political parties and their attitudes towards Refugees and Syrian refugees in Turkey are examined in this chapter.
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At least 6 million 148 thousand Syrians have been uprooted as a result of the crisis and conflict ongoing since 2011 in Syria. As of 6 August 2017, 5,165,502 have crossed the borders into neighbouring countries of Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan and Iraq whilst 983,876 moved further to Europe (UNHCR, 2017). A similar volume of population has been displaced within Syria too. This practically makes Syria one of the worst displacement cases in the history as more than half the contemporary population is displaced. Turkey with a long land border with Syria as well as historic links between populations, particularly in border provinces appeared as a favourite destination for Syrians who escape the conflict. As conflict grew and spread, in 2012 and onwards, a sharp increase in the number of Syrians arriving in Turkey was observed (Yazgan et al., 2015; Sirkeci, 2017a). When Lebanon receiving proportionally the largest share of Syrian movers, Jordan, Egypt, and Iraq have also accommodated sizeable populations seeking refuge. Unlike the early days of the conflict when most movers preferred neighbouring countries, in later years, an increasing number of Syrians destined to Europe. There can be and are many factors moderating this behaviour. We can cite economic opportunities, democratic environment, as well as aspirations and cultures of migration among these factors. Certain political manoeuvres such as the German Chancellor Merkel’s welcoming message in 2015 have also played a role.
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Integration has become one of the most popular concepts in today’s daily, political, and academic discussions. Countries of all sorts with a large number of immigrants and sizable communities with ‘immigrant-origins’ are now conceptualising several issues and challenges related to immigration and the ensuing ethnic and cultural diversity as matters of integration. While both what they mean by the term and how they are trying to achieve it vary widely, the political nature of the whole process and the hegemony of the concept of integration are beyond discussion.
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This is an introduction to the edited volume highlighting main features and the outline of chapters.
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This chapter offers a detailed demographic analysis of Syrian population and compares it with the trends and patterns in Turkey, UK and Germany. Thus it offers an opportunity to reflect on future of Syrian refugee populations in host countries.
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In most bibliographical references, both Anglophone and Francophone, the “birth of Hispaniola” dates back to its discovery by Cristopher Columbus. The pre-Columbian stage is much less discussed and the documentary material dedicated to it is significantly less substantial. In an attempt organize the disparate and sometimes contradictory information provided by some bibliographic sources, we have consulted several chronologies and various historiographical references that show the socio-political evolution of the whole island of Saint-Domingue. Aside from drawing a historical image of Haiti as close to reality as possible, I have considered that it would only be possible to sketch a substantiated picture of the socio-cultural, political and economic situation of this inscribed state (with a spectacular vocation for failure, on a downward spiral of generalized corruption, social chaos and overturned values and of an inexplicable rejection of any real chance for betterment) by exploring its past and identifying the mechanisms through which the “Haiti phenomenon” took place.
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U Portugaliji je 1975. godine kontrarevolucija bila sama revolucija, zatočena u ponavljanje svojih obrazaca, u odsustvu teorijskog rada pobornika pretvorenih u vojnike, koji su se poduhvatili da, još jedanput, gestom kolekcionara, ponovo ožive praktična iskustva Lenjina, Trockog, i, u novije vreme, Rosela ili generala Klisrea, koji su im bili poznati iz kolonijalnog rata. Tim povodom Žan Danijel se zapitao: “Šta bi zaista mogla da znači ideja avangarde potpuno odvojene od masa, oslonjene samo na manjinu oružane sile?”.
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This article renders problematic the prosecutor’s supervision over public administration in contemporary Bulgaria and explores what limitations need to be delineated so that such supervision to be in line with the rule of law. The “general prosecutor’s supervision” is a fundament of socialist administrative law, grounded in the political ideas of Leninism. After the adoption of the democratic Constitution in 1991 that institute passes over to the contemporary administrative law without any theoretical or practical debates for its place in the paradigm of the rule of law. The Prosecutor’s office continues to exist in the same old socialist model as a united, centralized, hierarchical system in the branch of judiciary. While the prosecutor’s supervision is no longer theorized as a general one,the powers of the prosecutor, especially the supervision over public administration, have not been substantially constricted. The article raises the question whether the existing prosecutor’s supervision over public administration in Bulgaria actually turns into prosecutor’s supervision over the citizens and organizations, on one side, and over the court, on the other side. Moreover, the research tackles the balance between the public interest and human rights in the complex relationship between the administration and citizens and offers for debate certain formulas for laying down adequate limitations of the prosecutor’s supervision over public administration.
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It is well known that since the 1980s the political importance of regional political movements in Europe has grown ever more and yet there exists a huge amount of mostly political and sociological investigations about the phenomenon. The majority of the authors seem to agree, that the regionalist movements should be viewed in relation to discrepancies between the respective national government and the supranational European level.
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The article discusses major weapons investments carried out at present and planned in the future by the United Kingdom. Individual investments are analyzed in terms of their potential relevance for the British armed forces, the costs of completion and the factors that influence the decision to choose a particular variant of the weapon. In the last part of the paper, the British dilemmas with nuclear forces are characterized.
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In his work the author presents the relations between Scotland and England. He tries to explain how Alex Salmond’s party NSP (National Scottish Party) gained majority in Scottish Parliament
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The aim of the paper is to determine whether Donald Trump’s foreign policyemploys a power politics perspective. The proposed hypothesis states that theprimary goal of President Trump’s foreign policy is a great powers competition.The paper is divided into three parts. Firstly, research design is presented. Secondly,empirical analysis of four selected issues is conducted: (1) Donald Trump’s politicalbeliefs; (2) released US strategic documents; (3) institutional change in the field offoreign policy making; and (4) the shape of defence budget. In the final part, thehypothesis is confirmed at the level of President Trump’s political beliefs (fully) andthe US strategic documents (partly), however, at the level of institutional change andthe defence budget shape it is hard to find unambiguous conclusions. As a result, thepower politics approach declared by the US President – considered by some expertsas realism on steroids – is, in fact, implemented only selectively. The research strategyused is a case study. The method of data acquisition is qualitative text analysis.
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