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UNPEGGING THE THIRD SPHERE OF THE WORLD ORDER: INDIA AND YUGOSLAVIA IN THE 1990S

Author(s): Ramachandra Byrappa / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The ripples of NATO’s attack on the Former Republic of Yugoslavia reached India with devastation. It was a tectonic moment of realisation that India has to move out of the comfort zone of false illusions and face the hard realities of the new shifts in international dynamics and alignments. The NATO’s bombing of the Former Republic of Yugoslavia came as the third and a consequential blow to India, after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the financial crisis of the early 1990s. These three blows shattered the three-level architecture that India had crafted over the preceding 50 years. My main question is: Was the United States of America and its allies punishing India and Yugoslavia because of their perceived proximity with post-Soviet Russia or was it for reasons of a systemic nature? My major hypothesis is that NATO’s aggression should be put into a systemic context and understood in the longue durée, in terms of structural domination and the control of the world’s resources.

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ECONOMIC, ENVIRONMENTAL AND HEALTH EFFECTS OF THE 1999 NATO BOMBING – SURVEY

Author(s): Bojan B. Dimitrijević / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This article presents a synthetic survey on the economic, environmental and health effects of the 1999 NATO military aggression. The aim of the article is to remind, once again, of the costs and consequences of the bombing for Serbia’s economy, aenvironment and the health of people. The recent arguments refer to an attempt to quantify the costs of the long-term health effects for people who were exposed to depleted uranium and other hazardous chemicals in Serbia. It could be the starting point for possible compensation payment to sick people and the families of those who died of the NATO Alliance bombing effects. Besides Introduction, Conclusion and Reference List, the article includes parts that refer to the synthetic evaluation of the costs and effects of the military aggression for the economy, environment and the health of people in Serbia and the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija.

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Russia

Author(s): Martina Uličná / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Political discourse in Russia is strongly influenced by the country’s authoritarian political system. It is often polarized and divisive, with little room for compromise or cooperation between opposing views. The government’s tight control over the media and political opposition has limited the diversity of voices heard, contributing to a lack of constructive dialogue and a failure to address key policy issues.

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Slovakia

Author(s): Radoslav Štefančík,Eva Stradiotová / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Slovakia, an immediate neighbor of Ukraine, faced the Russian military invasion and its direct consequences with remarkable resilience. Despite being unprepared for the mass immigration of war refugees, the government, witnessed the effective mobilization of civil society. Individuals, groups, companies, and some public institutions such as schools and local governments organized spontaneous assistance to Ukrainian refugees independent of the state. This display of solidarity was unprecedented in Slovak society, showcasing a high degree of resilience and unity in the face of adversity.

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Hungary

Author(s): Žaneta Pavlíková / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The military conflict between Russia and Ukraine has caused concern around the world. Central Europe, including the Visegrad Four countries, many of which are Ukraine´s neighbors and may feel even more threatened, is undoubtedly the most affected region. Although they are members of NATO, which offers them some protection, the threat from Russia is more immediate than ever. This is partly because of President Putin´s claims about these states, the new waves of migrants, and the threat to Europe´s energy security. Poland, Slovakia, and Hungary were the countries where thousands of Ukrainian war refugees arrived. To this day, Slovakia and Hungary have been unable to resolve their energy dependence on Russia.

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Austria

Author(s): Katarína Seresová / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

War and language are inextricably linked to human existence. Language serves as a means of communication, while war is one of the oldest ways of resolving conflicts. Initially, these two elements were separate, but their relationship has become increasingly complex over time. In many cases, language is used as a propaganda tool to shape public opinion (Jowett, O’Donnell 2018) and promote war. Since time immemorial, people have used language to communicate, fostering the development of communities and cultures. War has also been a part of human history, as people have had to defend themselves against enemies and protect their territory and resources.

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Germany

Author(s): Silvia Adamcová / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This article is devoted to the language of the crisis that developed in Europe after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022. Olaf Scholz, the Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, is the political leader of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD). He was elected on December 8th, 2021 after Angela Merkel (CDU) stepped down after 16 years of being Germany´s leader. This article will focus on how the new federal government reacted to this crisis. Our point of view will be supported by a pragmatic-linguistic analysis of the groundbreaking political and media speeches and statements of Scholz and other important German politicians. The contribution focuses on analyzing and evaluating statements which are presented in the form of selected lexis, multi-word units, and sentences. The introduction to the problem is formed by the characteristics of the current media and their importance and influence on the public. In addition, the current social media problems in Germany, Russia, and Europe are described and the role of Russia in the current use of information warfare and propaganda (Informationskrieg) is discussed. This concerns the manipulation of the Russian, European, and German populations through Russian disinformation regarding the war. It is important to assess the position of such a great power as Germany and its partners because they play a decisive role in all European conflicts.

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France

Author(s): Iveta Rizeková / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

On February 8, 2022, Emmanuel Macron flew from Moscow to Kiev to inform the Ukrainian president about the outcome of his conversation with Vladimir Putin. The French president announced that after a long and tense exchange of views, the Russian president promised that Russia would abide by the agreements and not cause escalation. Two weeks later, Russian tanks invaded Ukraine, triggering the most significant conflict in Europe since World War II.

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Spain

Author(s): Mária Spišiaková,Nina Mocková / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Spanish-Ukrainian relations date back to the times of the Soviet Union. After the Chernobyl explosion, Spanish families began to take in Ukrainian children for summer holidays, and in 1992 diplomatic relations began to develop when Ukraine’s independence was declared. In terms of trade, Spain is the largest importer of Ukrainian grain in the EU and several Spanish companies are based there, including Acciona, which invests in renewable energy. On the issue of the annexation of Crimea and the occupation of part of the territory of Donetsk and Luhansk, Spain has supported Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial unity.

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United Kingdom

Author(s): Ildikó Némethová / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Language and politics are intertwined (Niehr 2014). If politicians want to engage citizens, they must master the art of communication. This was true in antiquity, and it is still true today. This is true in democratic settings, but language is also important for politicians in non-democratic regimes (Štefančík 2018). The art of communication is particularly important in peacetime, but it is equally important in wartime. It is important for the aggressor but similarly crucial for the country’s politicians, who have to defend themselves against the aggressor. It is equally important for the politicians in the states who are helping the invaded state. One of the states that is helping Ukraine significantly in its fight against the Russian aggressor is the United Kingdom.

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Observations on Contemporary Russia

Author(s): Miroslav Jovanović,Alexey Timofeev,Žarko Petrović / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The economic crisis Russia now experiences is of a dual nature. It experiences a global crisis, and Russia’s own domestic economic crisis, which was catalyzed by the global one. The model of Russia’s economic development, based on extraction of natural resources, was coming to a logical end. Russia’s inability to keep its economy growing fast was just a matter of time. Although the political crisis and the consequent reformatting of Russia’s political system look inevitable, there will, probably, not be a massive social unrest which will lead to it. According to sociologists it takes about a year to convert job losses and the inability to keep up with habitual life styles into an organized political protest. System’s safety margin by this factor goes well beyond 2009, keeping in mind the essential financial reserves to provide certain social guaranties.

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EURASIA SECURITY FRAMEWORK

Author(s): Andrei Zagorski,Andrew Monaghan,Srđan Gligorijević,Žarko Petrović / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Two years after Putin’s tough “Munich strategy” was announced, its balance sheet remains extremely ambivalent. Those who believe that the hard ball policy has paid off, point out to the fact that Russia matters again in international politics and that the US and its European allies seek to re-engage Moscow, identify cooperative solutions to the issues of controversy, and ensure Russia’s cooperation on issues of common interest.

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Russian Serbian Cooperation in the Field of Culture

Author(s): Miroslav Jovanović,Goran Miloradović / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

When we speak today about both present and past Serbian-Russian relations, we usually give priority to politics. However, the history of mutual relations shows that other connections were equally important, such as cultural, artistic, spiritual, religious and ecclesiastical ties between these two peoples (we could also include scientific connections, but it would require too much specific detail in a general overview such as this).

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EUROPEAN SECURITY IS CHANGING - AND OURS?

Author(s): Marija Mikić,Filip Stojanović,Marko Despotović,Luka Ranđelović / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The process of globalisation and the increasing interconnectedness has created a need for a united and single response to modern security challenges, risks and threats. Serbia’s unambiguous foreign policy goal of joining the EU unquestionably requires legislative alignment with the acquis communautaire. The subject matter of this policy proposal focuses on a brief overview of the key strategic foreign policy and security documents – the National Security Strategy of the Republic of Serbia (2009) and the European Security Strategy (2003). This paper also analyses the outlines of the new EU Global Strategy, along with providing recommendations for potential modifications to the National Security Strategy of the Republic of Serbia in the light of the Global Strategy.

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CAPACITIES AND POTENTIALS OF THE SERBIAN ARMED FORCES TO ACT IN EMERGENCIES

Author(s): Jelena Vraneš,Jovana Perkučin,Dejan Remetić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The current organisation of the Serbian Armed Forces can handle emergencies operationally. Technical capacities are relatively sufficient to respond to the existing challenges, but the operational procedures may not be best suited to cover every risk. The Serbian Armed Forces do not recognise the notion of crisis management, though its units carry out those tasks. Still, there is no single coordination body or authority that could plan and manage Serbian Armed Forces’ operations in emergencies. This paper will shed some light on crisis management, to what extent this concept is recognised in the European Union and NATO, and how it can be implemented in the structure of the Serbian Armed Forces. Beside the organisational solution, we will also provide recommendations for improving the organisational, human and material capacities of the Serbian Armed Forces in emergencies.

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“WHO CONTROLS POLICE TAPPING?” - TOWARDS BETTER CONTROL OVER POLICE -

Author(s): Veljko Jovanović,Matija Trenković,Stefan Milutinović,Ivan Kutlarović / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Are you being tapped, by whom, to what extent, how and why? Who approved and allowed the tapping? Who, if anyone, controls it? These are only some of the questions the authors have asked themselves. You will find most answers in this short policy proposal. We will also discuss what tapping issues Serbia is facing, how other countries solved them, how we can try to solve them and preserve our privacy at the same time, prevent misuse and establish effective control of all “tappers”. The research provides insights into how this field is regulated in Serbia and presents the relevant bodies and institutions. We also showcase best practice examples from EU member states, as well as various mechanisms and recommendations for improvement of this field in Serbia.

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PARLIAMENTARY CONTROL OF SECURITY SERVICES – THE CASE OF VOA-VBA

Author(s): Aleksandra Zdravković,Danica Rajin,Emilija Milenković,Ksenija Filipović / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The subject matter of our research is parliamentary oversight of military security services, because of the parliament’s role as the main mechanism of democratic control over security bodies, primarily the military, the police and the security services. After the political change in Serbia 2000, a thorough reform of the security sector, including the security-intelligence system, was launched. This dynamic process has its own course, stages and certain rules. A more complete control should be established and the somewhat vague legislation should be modified. Clear-cut laws need to be adopted to regulate concretely the work of the security services and specify their jurisdictions in deploying methods, measures and procedures that violate human rights and freedoms. Some progress has been made lately in increasing the transparency of security services in Serbia with regards to updated fact sheets, compliance with provisions concerning information of public importance and cooperation of security services with the civil society. Is that enough, however? Is the current law being implemented and does it need to be modified – those are some of the questions we have dealt with in this paper. Our recommendations will focus on the need to increase the initiative by MPs in the Committee for Oversight of Security Services, and the possibility of including independent experts in the Committee’s work. This practice has been used in other countries and would contribute to depoliticising oversight.

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JAČANJE PARLAMENTA PUTEM JAČANJA ODBORA

Author(s): Anđela Cvetković,Jelena Uskoković,Kosta Dimitrijević,Nadežda Krupniković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

U ovom radu izloženi su glavni problemi u funkcionisanju Narodne skupštine Republike Srbije kao i raspoložive opcije koje su dostupne donosiocima odluka kako bi unapredili rad skupštine. Polazeći od analize postojećeg stanja u organizaciji parlamenta, izvode se zaključci o promenama koje su neophodne. Za razliku od tradicionalnih analiza, u ovoj su umesto zaključka pobrojana praktične preporuke koje ukoliko se primene, mogu zaista dovesti do efikasnijeg i demokratičnijeg rada parlamenta. Kao najvažniji element uzima se ojačavanje skupštinskih odbora.

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REFORMA IZBORNOG SISTEMA

Author(s): Vladimir Mihajlović,Balša Delibašić,Višnja Begović,Marko Tešanović,Dušan Arsenović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Postojeći proporcionalni izborni sistem Srbije, čije su osnovne karakteristike transponovanje glasova u mandate proporcionalnom formulom, prohibitivna klauzula (cenzus) od 5% i jedna celovita izborna jedinica na nivou države, je u proteklom periodu pokazao sve svoje anomalije. Na osnovu analize postojećeg izbornog sistema i identifikovanja konsekvenci koje ima na ceo politički sistem, identifikovana je potreba za promenu izbornog sistema Srbije. radu su analizirana četiri modela za reformu izbornog sistema, kao i njihove podvarijante: većinski izborni sistem (dvokružni i jednokružni), mešoviti (rovovski), proporcionalni izborni sistem sa više izbornih jedinica i personalizovani proporcionalni (kompenzatorski sistem i proporcionalni sistem sa direktnim glasanjem za kandidate). ovom radu se pledira za proporcionalni izborni sistem sa direktnim glasanjem za kandidate. Ovaj model podrazumeva više jednomandatnih izbornih jedinica u procesu glasanja, ali samo jednu izbornu jedinicu na nivou države za raspodelu mandata. Predloženi sistem zadržava proporcionalnost čistog proporcionalnog sistema, jer bi partije dobijale broj mandata koji u potpunosti odgovara broju osvojenih glasova na izborima. Ključna razlika se nalazi u činjenici da ovaj sistem omogućava personalizovanost izbora i posledično selekciju kandidata pri ulasku u parlament prema individualnom izbornom uspehu. cilju sprovođenja reforme izbornog sistema potrebno je inicirati usvajanje novog zakona. tom procesu je važno uključiti sva relevantna ministarstva, druge organe državne uprave, nezavisna tela, Narodnu skupštinu, međunarodne institucije, akademsku zajednicu, civilni sektor i domaće i strane eksperte.

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OCD I BEZBEDNOSNE SLUŽBE: DOKLE DOPIRE POGLED JAVNOSTI, A GDE SE DIŽE ZID TAJNOSTI?

Author(s): Dragana Bajić,Filip Stojanović,Irina Stojanović,Jovana Đurović,Sandra Jelisavčić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Snažno civilno društvo jedan je od osnovnih gradivnih elemenata svakog demokratskog uređenja, budući da artikulisanjem interesa građana otelovljuje potrebu za transparentnom i odgovornom vladavinom. Međutim, odnos između organizacija civilnog društva i državnih institucija često je veoma delikatan i ne ostavlja dovoljno prostora za adekvatan dijalog koji bi doprineo učvršćivanju poverenja obe strane. Ovo je posebno naglašeno u sektoru bezbednosti, gde organizacije civilnog društva (OCD) deluju kao akteri sa nadzornom ulogom. Na prostoru Republike Srbije su do sada identifikovane 44 organizacije koje se u nekom aspektu svog rada bave bezbednošću, od čega 15 OCD kao primarnu oblast interesovanja izdvaja bezbednosno-obaveštajnu zajednicu. Političko nasleđe u Srbiji uticalo je na negativnu percepciju bezbednosnih službi koje su i dalje mistifikovane i koje svoje postupke brane potrebom ostvarivanja određenog stepena tajnosti – što stvara mogućnost za zloupotrebe. Sa druge strane, organizacije civilnog društva su u prošlosti bile pod opstrukcijom državnih aktera, čime su postajale zastrašene i radile u neadekvatnim uslovima. prkos velikom broju započetih diskusija o reformi sektora bezbednosti i o nadzoru rada bezbednosno-obaveštajnih agencija, nije dovoljno urađeno na konkretizaciji problema i davanju jasnih smernica za unapređenje ove problematike, koja predstavlja veoma zahtevnu i bitnu temu, naročito u procesu evrointegracija. Posebno značajno, a nedovoljno obrađeno pitanje predstavlja odnos i saradnja Bezbednosno-informativne agencije (BIA) i OCD. Dok stav Republike Srbije uopšte ne pominje Bezbednosno-informativnu agenciju i mogućnosti njenog nadzora od strane javnosti, oni dokumenti koji sadrže odredbe o toj mogućnosti su veoma neprecizni i široko definisani, što granicu između javnosti i tajnosti rada Bezbednosno-informativne agencije čini dodatno zamagljenom. Dobra praksa ukazuje da je postojala saradnja između BIA i OCD, ali isključivo na ad hoc nivou. Da bi se otklonili uočeni nedostaci i uspostavilo poverenje između BIA i OCD, potrebno je, za početak, definisati mesto OCD u radu sektora bezbednosti normativnim dokumentima i obezbediti mehanizme za njihovo stvarno učestvovanje u kreiranju i implementaciji bezbednosne politike. Budući da je BIA institucija koja je poslednja po transparentnosti, sledi da je prva po broju zahteva za informacijama od javnog značaja, koje često ne uvažava. Shodno tome, postoji mogućnost diskrecione ocene ove institucije prilikom odluke o davanju informacija građanima i organizacijama civilnog društva. Sve navedeno ukazuje na činjenicu da je potrebna reforma u skladu sa standardima koje Srbija mora da isprati kao demokratska, moderna država, a naročito s obzirom na reforme koje preduzima u procesu pristupanja EU.

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