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Russia's undertaking in and about Kosovo triggered off a state of mental confusion and chaos among Serbia's political elite. With domestic situation similar to that in Serbia, Russia is, the same as Serbia, incapable to define its true national interests that would take into account not only military power but also the overall social ambience - the population, its education, culture, healthcare, infrastructure and the like. Russia's saber-rattling and spiraling nationalism cannot but associate 1980s in Serbia - the time when Cosic and Milosevic steered for the radical nationalistic road of no return. The European Left, unaware that the world has changed irreversibly and that the balance of power relying on the Russian military strength is gone, cheers Russia's international...
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Author argues that conservative and fascist Yugoslavism appeared as well as other European fascist movements after WWI as a form of reaction to crisis of European capitalism. There were two periods of fascist Yugoslavism: during 1920s and during 1930s. In the first period, fascism was the strongest in Dalmatia. In atmosphere of Italian fascist challenge many Dalmatians, Croats and Serbs, were close to apply fascist answer coloured with Yugoslav “integral” nationalism. That was only proto-fascist movement because there were not any strong organization and leadership. Nevertheless, Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes witnessed dangerous struggle very close to civil war on ethnic basis between ORJUNA (proto-fascist organization supported by Svetozar Pribicevic) and HANAO (Croatian proto-fascist organization) and SRNAO (Serbian proto-fascist organization) as well. In the second period, fascist movement got a leader Dimitrije Qotic and stronger organization Zbor. Yet, this organization was relatively unpopular not only in Croatia: the best though not impressive results on elections were in Slovenia and in Smederevo (town in Serbia where D. Qotic was born). Croatian nationalists were not in a situation to use any ideology of Yugoslavism in ethnic competition with Serbs between 1918 and 1941. They had to use only Croatian nationalism as such. On the contrary, Yugoslavism was a powerful instrument of Serbian nationalist in ethnic competition with Croats. That is why fascist Yugoslavism appeared dominantly in Serbian regions of Yugoslavia. Fascist Yugoslavism was an instrument of forced but completely unsuccessful assimilation of Croats in Yugoslavs.
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The right in Serbia during the 30-is of 20 centaury in many aspects looked up to the more developed and original right in the West. Certain specificities, however, that originated from homecountry conditions and circumstances, were emphasized. The right in Serbia underlines faith and peasantry. The cult of the village appeared as a continuation of the critique of contemporary civilization of the West that is typically tied to the city (civilization of the megalopolis).The starting points were ideas of Spengler and other right theoreticians. Parallels in the past, through which it was proved that Europe created by bourgeoisie revolutions reached a state of decadence and inevitable death, were found. This is why “rescue of exception” of Serbia from Europe was suggested. The most important political accomplishment of civil Europe is certainly the political system of democracy. The critique of real-democracy represented an introduction into affirmation of the corporative and/or estate order. All right oriented thinkers of this period refute that their ideals are fascism or Nazism and according to them corporativism and/or estate society are qualified as indigenous conceptions that originate from old Slavic community.
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Review of the book "Ideologija srpskog nacionalizma" by Vojislav Šešelj.
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Starting from new reactualization of Huntington’s work The Clash of Civilizations as a paradigm for real understanding of global international relations, in first part of the article theoretical hypothesis of Fukuyama’s and Bzezinski’s project, i.e. the models of unipolar or bipolar picture of the world, as well as radical ideas of sovereignty and general decadence are exposed. Although, however, the author agrees with Huntington about the justification and the central role of the category of civilization, he criticizes Huntington’s view of the border of „Europe“ i.e. its reduction to the borders of „the West“, an act that without historical arguments excludes from Europe and European values all orthodox countries. Rethinking essence and determining elements of „the Western“ civilization (sovereignty, human rights, division of power, representative government, market economy), the author exposes their development and presence in non-western societies.
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The author criticizes a superficial and wrong understanding of the right and conservativism in post-communist Serbia. Conservativism is characterized by faith in the significance of institutions, as a corrective of weaknesses which are inscribed in the human nature. Its other characteristic is conviction in the complexity of relations that structure society, refusal of simplified ideologies and simple solutions. Its third characteristic is graduality and procedurality of changes. As for other issues – such as the open market and strong government - the conservatives can have different views. The author concludes pleading for the development of standard, European conservativism in Serbia, as a part of the spectrum of moderate political forces.
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The basic criteria for a political force in contemporary Serbia to be considered as right are: anti-communism, acceptance of civil national tradition, positive attitude towards faith and church and pleading for private property and the market. Based on these conditions, serious parties of the right are SPO, SRS and DSS and conditionally speaking G17. As for smaller movements, this includes Obraz, Dveri, Justin Filozof. There is also a group of right wing intellectuals: from Matija Be}kovi}, Du{an Kova~evi}, Mihailo \uri} to Drago{ Kalaji} or Dragoslav Bokan. Although majority of Serbian voters in 2003 elections voted for the right, majority of our publicity is still either radically left or radically right. It is therefore necessary to create a whole net of moderate right wing institutions in Serbia and to, through relocation of moderate, civil right, acheive balance between moderate right orientation of the nation with moderate right wing thought of its intelligence.
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The author divided Serbian right-wing parties into the three groups: the classical and modern conservatives (neo-liberals), liberals, and the right extremists. The first ones are Democratic Party of Serbia, led by Vojislav Ko{tunica, Serbian Movement of Renewal, led by Vuk Dra{kovi}, Nova Srbija, led by Velimir Ili}, The Force of Serbia Movement, led by Bogoqub Kari}, among classical conservatives, and G17+, as modern conservatives or neo-liberals, led by Miroqub Labus. Liberals are collected in the Democratic Party, led by Boris Tadi}. Classical conservatives are devoted to traditional values such as religion. They especially insist on the role of the Serbian Orthodox Church within Serbian society. In addition, they are vigorous anti-communists and anti-Yugoslavism oriented parties. Neo-liberals insist, however, on the role of the economy and they especially point out significance of the technokrats in politics. The party of the late Serbian prime-minister Zoran \in|i} considers freedom as the top value within their ideology. They estimate education as the most important resource for fast social development. Although very different among themselves, Serbian conservatives and liberals are clearly pro-European parties. However, Serbian right-extremists, Serbian Radical Party, is an anti-European party. The Serbian radicals are in favour of the extreme nationalism, they cooperate with other right-extremist parties in Europe (National Front in France, Liberal-democratic Party in Russia etc.), and finally, they are in accordance with other right-extremist parties regarding social profile of the supporters. Because of the serious economic and social problems in Serbia, Serbian Radical Party could endanger fragile democracy in Serbia.
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The author in the text analyses life and work of the painter and publicist Dragos Kalajic (1943-2005), the most influential and exposed public figure of Serbian right in last two decades of the 20 centaury, synthetically underlining main theses that are given in all his work. Finding ideologically coherent views in his publicistic oeuvre, the author traces all his main ideas within the framework of European right through of the other half of XX centaury. This is the reason why the conclusion is drawn that Kalajic was not a representative of original ideal of Serbian national right but rather an „ideological European“ of postmodern right and most faithful representative of its views in these areas.
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