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Research of personality of Keiki (Nurmagambet) Kukembaiula (1877–1922) – Kazakh national hero, participant of the Central Asian revolt (1916) against the Russian tsar administration and after 1917 participant of the national liberation movement against the Bolshevism (Sovietization) of Central Asian nations (the socalled “Basmachi movement”) – was not undertaken in the Soviet period for obvious reasons. Nevertheless, the image of the Kazakh hero was reflected in some of the artistic and literary works of that time. After declaration of the independence of Kazakhstan, a number of articles appeared in the periodical press and various publications on the life of Keiki-Batyr were published as well. However, they were written mostly on the basis of legends and oral stories about him, and there were various inaccuracies and inconsistencies concerning his life and the fight against Soviet power in the region. The aim of this study is the scientific depiction of the life of Keiki Kukembaiula.
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The Russian Tsarist, who completed his political unity in Ivan the Great, undertook modernization movements by turning his direction to the West during the period of Petro I. The Petro reforms are under the rule of Tsar II. Katerina continued to take control of the scattered Muslim tribes in the Russian Tsarist region. The Russian Tsar has exerted political, economic and cultural pressure on the Muslim population. The resistance against Russia, particularly Turkestan and the Caucasus, continued until the late 19th century. The inability of the Muslims of Russia to overcome the national and local commitments and the absence of a national consciousness prevented their unification. In addition, political instability in the region, poor management, poverty, the problems caused by being trapped between Russia and China weakened the resistance of Muslims in the region. The traditional forms of resistance to Russian occupations remained insufficient. Tatars, fighting against Russian expansionism, gained significant gains by mediating trade between Russia and Turkestan. The Tatar bourgeoisie, which showed improvement, made economic moves in the region, especially Kazan. With the fall of Turkestan to Russia, the Tatars, whose position is in danger, have sought remedies against Russian expansionism. The movement led by the first Tatar intellectuals such as Sehabeddin Mercani and Abdulkayyum Nasıri was put into a systematic form by İsmail Gaspıralı. İsmail Gaspıralı has supported the modernization efforts of Muslims in Russia and has been the pioneer of reforms, particularly education and culture. The aim of Gaspirali is to educate Russian Muslims according to the conditions of the times, to give them a national consciousness and to create a powerful Turkish bourgeoisie against Russian expansionism. For this purpose, he aimed to unite the whole Turkic world. The Turkish Union, which started as a cultural program, became a political target with the support of the Ottoman intellectuals. Gaspıralı developed long-term literacy learning time to 40 days with the phonetic method he developed and opened Cedit schools in Turkistan. Gaspıralı's motto “unity in language, idea and work together” has become a common slogan for Ottoman and Russian Turks.
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Răspunsurile la Chestionarele Odobescu și Hasdeu, pentru județul Brăila, editori: Ionel Cândea, Costin Croitoru (Ion TALOȘ); Constantin Brăiloiu, culegător și editor de folclor, ed.: Nicolae Constantinescu, Mihail Adrian Șerban (Cristian MUȘA); Troițe și cimitire cu stâlpi funerari de pe Valea și din Munții Sebeșului. Repertoriu, coord.: Radu Totoianu, Călin Anghel (Andreea BUZAȘ); Folclor din Valea Sebeșului, ed. Ilie Moise (Radu TOTOIANU); Studii de etnologie. In honorem prof. univ. dr. Ilie Moise, coord. Andreea Buzaș (Ana GRAMA); Pe cărările timpului. O radiografie fotografică a satului vasluian, coord. Lucian-Valeriu Lefter (Dan Dumitru IACOB); Irmgard Sedler, Noblesse & Raffinement. Der höfische Schuh im Barock und Rokoko – Noblețe și rafinament. Pantoful de curte în Baroc și Rococo (Andreea BUZAȘ); „Musa” – implicații naționale. Folclor poetic într-o revistă manuscrisă din secolul al XIX-lea, ed.: Virgiliu Florea, Andreea Buzaș (Ioan POPA); Sebeșu de Jos – sub semnul identității, ed. Ilie Moise (Andreea BUZAȘ)
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The most important event in the national liberation movement during the Bulgarian National Revival period, the struggles of the 1876 April Uprising, covered large areas throughout the country. However, the geograghical situation of the separate regions left its imprint on the power of the people's onrush.
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The article deals with an almost unknown episode that happened in Varna in the beginning of 1919 when one of the top representatives of the Entente occupation troops visited the town. At the heart of the incident is the smoldering tension between the Bulgarians and the Greek minority community in the city. The conflict was triggered by the Greek prisoners of war located in Varna at the time, but it took place in the context of the new national catastrophe that struck Bulgaria after the defeat in World War I, aggravated by the patronizing attitude of the Entente authorities towards the local Greek population.
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In Poland, feminist perspectives in the field of musicology are still not only very rare, but also hold a highly problematic status. Both an overview of relevant Polish literature and scholars’ experiences reveal a two-sided problem within Polish feminist musicology, where there is on the one hand a great disregard for the study of intersections between sex, gender and music, and on the other hand a significant controversy over how to approach the subject once it is acknowledged. The challenges which today’s feminist musicology in Poland needs to confront, are connected with complex and very often ambivalent way in which classical music culture and the feminist discourse have been shaped since the beginning of the communist era (1945-1989). Reaching back to that period, various historical, political and social factors have influenced the study of women and gender in the contemporary Polish musicology. Three equally crucial issues are investigated in order to understand the status of feminist musicology in Poland: 1) the challenges Polish musicology has had to face due to the communist propaganda; 2) the way in which communist reality has shaped the attitude to feminism in the society; 3) the way in which history of Polish classical music is influenced by the figure of Grażyna Bacewicz. The essay characterizes each of these phenomena and presents how they may have contributed to the problematic status of feminist musicology in Poland nowadays.
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Born on 17 December 1871 in the village of Smilevo, Bitolya region, and distinguished for his studiousness since an early age, Damyan (Dame) Grouev studied in his native villages, as well as in Bitolya, Salonica and Belgrade, where he was confronted with the Serbian chauvinism. Having seen the threat by the Serb propaganda for the Bulgarians in Macedonia, he left school and came to Sofia where he enrolled in the University.
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Alexandru Odobescu poate fi considerat un precursor al poporanismului. Primul teren de manifestare al criticii sale va fi cel lingvistic. El va ataca cu hotărâre excesele latiniste. Pentru Odobescu, pericolul cel mai mare rezida tocmai în posibilitatea dezvoltării, ca urmare a exceselor latiniste, a două limbi diferite: una în gazetele din Ardeal și alta în spațiul extracarpatic. În plan social și național, s-a remarcat suportul ferm al lui Odobescu pentru îmbunătățirea situației țărănimii, care ne face să-l considerăm un precursor, oricât de improbabil, al poporanismului: dorința de continuitate a edificiului național prin intermediul țărănimii, o clasă care părea necoruptă de influențele decadente ale fanariotismului și neofanariotismului. În plan literar, Odobescu este convins că literatura românească nu poate fi una autentică decât prin apelul la literatura populară ca izvor de inspirație, o idee pe care Ibrăileanu o consideră afină spiritului aceleiași școli critice moldovenești reprezentate de un Alecu Russo sau Vasile Alecsandri. Fără îndoială, Constantin Stere a fost figura inițiatoare a poporanismului, păstrându-și un ascendent important până în momentele de declin ale mișcării, în anii Primului Război Mondial. Pentru Stere, intelectualitatea „poporanistă” trebuia să militeze pentru ridicarea culturală a țărănimii în cadrul unui demers susținut de „luminare” și să lupte în același timp în plan politic pentru acordarea dreptului de vot universal și pentru o reformă agrară cuprinzătoare. Cele două planuri, cultural și politic, erau întrepătrunse în opinia lui Stere: dreptul de vot și o nouă reformă agrară nu puteau fi folosite decât de o țărănime educată și conștientă de sine și de drepturile ei. O altă convingere nezdruncinată a lui Stere era cea legată de respectarea specificului național. Și Garabet Ibrăileanu a susținut că există însușiri naționale specifice. Dincolo de declarațiile programatice ale fruntașilor săi, poporanismul rămâne încercarea de realizare a unei sinteze imposibile, cea dintre democratism și conservatorism. Limbajul general este unul progresist, modern, analiza sociologică se apropie de multe ori de cea marxistă.
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Le thème de la modernisation de la société roumaine s’inscrit dans le domaine d’intérêt de l’historiographie. Il traite de l’ensemble des idées et conceptions culturelles, sociales et politiques qui ont influencé l’expansion de la modernité roumaine. Le processus a commencé dans la première moitié du XIXe siècle et a changé le visage de la société roumaine. « Modernisation » et « occidentalisation » sont devenues des termes synonymes, désignant pratiquement la même réalité. Il y a eu aussi des réactions critiques, notamment anti-modernes, à ce processus de renouveau, qui a pris des formes révolutionnaires. Le processus d’occidentalisation était lié au contact direct de certains représentants de la société roumaine et de l’élite avec les réalités de l’Occident. Ce contact a généré un complexe d’infériorité culturelle, ressenti, par exemple, par Dinicu Golescu, un boyard réputé pour ses voyages en Europe et dans d’autres zones géographiques. Sa réaction étonnée, son admiration, son désir de transplanter dans l’espace roumain les réalisations de l’Occident caractériseraient également la génération d’étudiants « fortunés » des années 1830 à 1840. Anticipant la controverse entre traditionalistes et modernistes, Mihail Kogălniceanu a affirmé qu’une culture par l’imitation n’est pas souhaitable. Partisan d’une démocratie rurale, Nicolae Bălcescu, a été l’un des principaux promoteurs combatifs de la résolution du problème rural. Le phénomène d’occidentalisation était plein de tergiversations et d’ambiguïtés, au XIXe siècle. Il est visible depuis les années 1830 et s’est manifesté à travers la génération de jeunes qui admirent la culture française. Elle se faisait appeler la génération « bonjuriste », qui faisait des études juridiques, historiques, philologiques, philosophiques à Paris, Vienne, Rome, etc. Les jeunes « bonjuristi » ou « duelgi » étaient progressistes, ils voulaient la modernisation rapide de la société roumaine. Ils avaient le sentiment persistant d’appartenir à une nation marquée par une infériorité culturelle. En effet, la situation des Principautés était très difficile, du point de vue social, politique, économique et culturel, même après l’abolition du régime phanariot. Mais les conservateurs n’aimaient pas l’enthousiasme des changements, ils ne voulaient pas l’occidentalisation des jeunes. Les « bonjuriști » ou les « combattants » ont soutenu que tout devait changer: langue, institutions politiques, vêtements, mode de vie. Dans les Principautés (notamment en Muntenia), l'influence française et italienne dans la langue roumaine s’est manifestée, contribuant à cette tendance des « bonjuriști », devenus en grande partie des « artisans de paix » manteau occidental. La critique junimiste des « formes sans fond » a été la première forme articulée par le conservatisme roumain, influencé, seulement partiellement, par le conservatisme européen.
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This article approaches the moralist side of Titu Maiorescu and Nicolae Iorga. Maiorescu is the first Romanian moralist in the true sense of the word. Familiar with the ancient thinkers, the French moralists and the German moral philosophy, especially Schopenhauer, Maiorescu is an observer and a harsh judge of the mores of his society. Iorga, the most productive Romanian moralist, thinks of man, in full Romanian modernity, in terms of tradition (the honest man, with his purpose and respect for old rules, “ashamed” in his nature by the shamelessness of life). In his Musings,Iorga is always thinking of the traditional man, whom he wants to rescue from the shamelessness of modernity.
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preservation of the criteria underlying the latter’s constitution polarized post–1989 literary journalists and critics’ opinions. The supporters of preservation and perpetuation of the aesthetic criterion proclaim that the Romanian communist literature was a form of “resistance through culture” and that, consequently, the canon then built should be conserved along with the aesthetic autonomy thesis considered as its basis. On the other hand, the advocates of the more radical or moderate revision of the pre–1990 scale of values and the criteria that created it believe in the overlap between the aesthetic criterion and the ethical one or even in the subordination of the former to the latter. In this last case, of importance is the writers’ attitude towards the former regime, their open or concealed collaborationism or, on the contrary, the resistance they managed to oppose to the political element.
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The publication presents an archival document of the funds of the Russian archive of socio-political history (RGASPI). The document is a report prepared by the editor-in-chief of the journal «Technology — to the youth» for the Komsomol Central Committee. The report summarizes the results of the survey of Clubs of fans of science fiction (CFSF), which the journal conducted in 1982—1983. The document describes the social and age structure of the CFSF, tasks, problems that they experience in their activities. The comments give a description of the document, its attribution. The circumstances of the creation of the report are analyzed. Ideological and political conditions are described; assumptions on authorship of the document are expressed. An attempt is also made to determine the source knowledge of the published report. Three problems are identified, in the study of which this document can be useful to researchers. First, it is the degree of independence of the CFSF from the authorities; second, it is an assessment of the organizational unity of the Soviet fan movement; third, the importance that the Soviet ideological leadership attached to science fiction. The comments also describe the events that followed the creation of this document. We are talking about repressive campaigns against the journal «Technology — to the youth» and against the clubs of science fiction fans, which occurred in 1984. And although the connection of these events with the published document is more than indirect, all these events are within the framework of ideological control over science fiction. The detailed notes explain the terms, abbreviations, proper names mentioned in the report.
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This article investigates responses of Soviet schoolchildren of middle and older ages towards the Spanish Civil War and the arrival of Republican children to the USSR in the second half of the 1930s. Interest in reactions of this age category is connected with the fact that soon after they would bear the brunt of sacrifices in the struggle with Nazi Germany and received the status of front-line generation. Emotionally perceived events in a distant country became the source of its ideas about the future total war of the USSR and an important frontier in psychological preparation for it. Despite the refusal of the country’s political leadership to foment a revolution in Spain, this idea was guiding for young Soviet citizens. The Republican struggle, meaningful as an outbreak of world revolution, gave rise to their various manifestations of solidarity, including the collection of funds, attempts of individual and group escapes to Spain, and the self-organization of paramilitary units to join international teams. In the light of the dramatic experience of the Spanish Republicans, the future of the communist project among Soviet youth was now linked only to the fierce war that the Soviet Union was to withstand with some not necessarily decisive support from the progressive world community.
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This article explores the historiography of publishing sources on the history of Petrograd Soviet of Workers’ and Red-Army Deputies during the Civil War. The publication of documents related to the history of the Petrograd Soviet began in the 1920s. The political environment of the 1930s made this inconvenient: a study of the activities of the Soviet was conducted, first of all, in the context of the defense of Petrograd from the troops of General Yudenich. The publication of materials related to the Petrosoviet was stopped, as they often featured the names of figures deleted from Stalinist historiography: G. Zinoviev, G. Evdokimov, and others. In the post-war period, historians concentrated on activities of the Petrograd Soviet and its committees in 1917, resulting in a number of large-scale publications of sources. However, this situation did not touch documents of the Petrosoviet for the Civil War years. In 2019, a collection of transcripts from 1919 was released, to some extent filling this gap. This publication is in great interest, and it receives significant attention in this article.
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The author of this study tries to analyze the possibility of using George Moss' "brutalization theory" to clarify the outbreak of violence during the Ukrainian Revolution (1917–1921). After researching each part of this theoretical concept, the author claims that it does not fit into the Ukrainian case. The author's arguments prove that this construct, built on the Western European narrative, cannot be used to understand the causes of violence during the Ukrainian Revolution.
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Science developed in Romania in the second half of the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century. By “science” we mean the physical and natural sciences, such as physics, chemistry, geology or biology, although they have not always had the form and content they have today. With the inauguration of the Universities of Iași and Bucharest, the development of science in the Romanian Kingdom was put on a solid footing. Both Universities had Faculties of Sciences, although initially they were not autonomous, but shared the same framework with the studies of philosophy. In Iași, the scientific courses were initially integrated within the Faculty of Philosophy, together with the studies of “letters” and “theology”, according to the model practiced at the time in Germany. Within the University of Bucharest, the Faculty of Sciences went through the same process of diversification and specialization of departments. At the beginning of the 20th century, the research institutes and laboratories were affiliated with the faculties of science and the medical universities. Therefore, at the beginning of the 20th century, the level of Romanian science was considered satisfactory, while the Romanian scientists proved to be very receptive to the evolution of universal sciences.
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