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This paper undertakes a semantic analysis of the concept of historical politics, which is key to understanding the social transformations of the Third Republic and modernity in general. The idea of historical politics was popularized by the end of the 1990s by intellectuals associated with the Warsaw Club of Political Criticism (WKKP) and gained resonance as one of the cornerstones of the semantic revolution of the Law and Justice Party in the years 2003–2005. The institutionalization of this concept was the opening in 2004 of the Warsaw Rising Museum, whose co-creators were members of WKKP. The concept of historical politics appeared in the context of a critique of modernity and its characteristic break with the past to choose the future. At the same time, the concept of historical politics had a modern dimension: in the pursuit of a revolutionary transformation of reality, it chose a future that was not a break from the past, but a return to it. This article also references the prehistory of the concept in Bronisław Trentowski’s and August Cieszkowski’s philosophy of history, showing the deep layers of meaning of politics and history.
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The issue of military captivity, poorly studied during the Soviet period for ideological reasons, has become a subject of scientific research only since the early 1990s and has not lost its relevance so far. The current stage of Russian historiography is characterized by a certain fragmentation: there are only a few articles and publications that address, one way or another, the issues of Soviet prisoners of war (POW) in Finnish concentration camps between 1941 and 1944. In Finnish historiography, the issue of the number of POWs has been studied extensively, while the debatable question of the causes for their high mortality rate still remains unanswered. The comprehensive development of this topic will contribute to the elimination of the “white spots” of history, and will close the existing historiographic gap. This is precisely the purpose of this article, which for the first time considers the existing Russian and Finnish historiography in one context.
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The article continues a series of publications about the participants of the religious movement for the church reform that unfoldedin Russia at the beginning of the XX century. The author analyzed the intellectual biography of Anton Kartashev between 1902 and1911, when Kartashev was fascinated by the “new religious consciousness”. During these years, he formed his views on the role ofthe Church in the religious revival of Russia after the dominance of positivism since the 1860s. In 1902, Kartashev, among otherrepresentatives of St. Petersburg Theological Academy, attended religious and philosophical meetings in St. Petersburg (1901–1903).The young associate professor of the Academy was fascinated by the freedom of religious quest by the near-church intelligentsia andimbued with the pathos of the “prophetic service” for Russia. It was during these little-studied years of his life that the metaphysicalfeatures of his concept of the “new incarnation” of the Russian Church for the sake of the future theocracy – Holy Russia – were laid.The “new Christians” religious movement with its reformist type doctrine left its traces in one form or another on the consciousnessof many people who supported it in the early years of the XX century. Anton Kartashev was no exception – for a long time he criticizedthe Russian Orthodox Church for not being ready for internal religious reform, and for its inability to fit into modern society.
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The nationalization of science was a process that began in the nineteenth century, due to the emergence of the nation-states. It consisted in subordinating parts of the scientific knowledge to the aims and ideals of the nation-state. This process was specific, to a various extent, to all European countries. The Romanian Kingdom was no exception: here the nationalization of science expressed itself in the scientific discourse elaborated by some of the Romanian scholars and in their specific research. Also, it influenced the program of various scientific institutions, like “The scientific section of the Romanian Academy” or, especially, “The Romanian Association for the Advancement of Science”, which consequently conducted their activity in order to fulfill certain national purposes. So, this article describes how Romanian scientists put science in the service of national ideals in the period between the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth.
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Momentele de intensitate ridicată din preajma declanșării Războiului de Independență (bombardarea orașelor românești de la Dunăre, concomitentă intrării trupelor rusești pe teritoriul României) au generat o stare de zbucium sufletesc, de încordare și panică, în care adesea se făcea apel la persoana domnitorului. Stările de angoasă, de frică teribilă în fața unui război al cărui deznodământ nu putea fi anticipat, au dat naștere unor sentimente izvorâte dintr-o situație într-adevăr excepțională, ce au cerut, în imaginarul colectiv, un anumit tip de lider, și anume Salvatorul. Primele bombardamente au amplificat sentimentul insecurității, alimentând nevoia refugierii sub aripa protectoare a domnitorului. Apelurile către acest Salvator, în ipostaza căruia Carol a știut să pozeze, nu au putut avea decât un efect pozitiv asupra imaginii și prestigiului său în țară. Acestuia îi erau conferite atributele unui protector chemat acum, în momente culminante, să preia destinele țării și să le conducă spre un viitor ilustru.
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Aurel C. Popovici (1863-1917) a fost unul dintre cei mai importanți gânditori politici români de la începutul secolului XX. Numele său este legat de proiectul de federalizare a Imperiului Austro-Ungar, publicat în 1906 sub numele de „Statele Unite ale Austriei Mari”. În contextul complex al dezbaterilor privind chestiunea naționalităților din Austro-Ungaria, A.C. Popovici a avut păreri favorabile unei federalizări a Imperiului, în condițiile câștigării drepturilor naționale ale românilor. Concepțiile lui Aurel C. Popovici sunt surprinzătoare pentru anii de dinaintea Primului Război Mondial. El este, în mod indiscutabil, una dintre verigile certe de legătură dintre naționalismul conservator eminescian și radical-conservatorismul începutului de secol XX. Popovici este, alături de Rădulescu-Motru, printre puținii gânditori politici din spațiul românesc care operează distincția dintre „cultură” și „civilizație”. „Cultura” este considerată inseparabilă de „națiune”, înțeleasă în sens conservator și nu în cel romantic-revoluționar al secolului al XIX-lea. Pentru Popovici „cultură” înseamnă, în primul rând, „înrădăcinare” într-un specific, care să exprime mentalitatea românească. Popovici întrevedea, precum odinioară Eminescu, pericolul dizolvării identității românești sub povara demagogiei și democratismului radical. Pe de altă parte, Popovici prezintă o imagine dezolantă a civilizației, considerând-o mult prea dezrădăcinată, decadentă și cosmopolită.
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Alexandru Dimitrie Xenopol (1847-1920) se încadrează în galeria marilor personalități de factură enciclopedică ale culturii noastre naționale, numărând, înainte de el, pe Titu Maiorescu, Mihai Eminescu, iar după el, pe Nicolae Iorga ori George Călinescu. Personalitatea intelectuală a lui A.D. Xenopol reprezintă o sinteză rafinată între istoricul profesionist și gânditorul preocupat de fundamentele științei, adânc implicat în problematica istoriei, filozofiei istoriei, sociologiei și pedagogiei. Preocupat de o documentare solidă, Xenopol a fost însuflețit și de un puternic sentiment patriotic, care l-a animat încă de pe băncile școlii și care l-a determinat să utilizeze cunoștințele acumulate în timpul studiilor pentru întocmirea unei istorii a românilor. „Teoria istoriei” s-a dorit, din perspectiva lui Xenopol, o știință de graniță între istorie și filosofia istoriei, o teorie înțeleasă ca logică și metodologie a istoriei, având drept scop să confere acesteia un statut de știință. Xenopol al gândit teoria istoriei după mai multe decenii de reflexii, de experimentări, de experiență dobândită în domeniul problemelor de metodă. Teoria seriilor istorice a istoricului ieșean a avut un larg ecou publicistic. Spirit enciclopedic, lucid, vizionar, Alexandru D. Xenopol s-a dedicat căutării argumentelor compatibilității românilor cu modernitatea socială, politică, economică și culturală. Concepția economică a lui Alexandru D. Xenopol rămâne un reper științific și moral în istoria gândirii economice românești și universale. După părerea sa, emanciparea economică, socială, politică și culturală nu se putea realiza decât prin educație.
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The ideological horizons of fascism, Nazism and communism have specifically capitalized on the imaginary of the political body. The imaginary of the body in totalitarian regimes meant a process of recovery and adaptation, in specific ideological devices, of body images and representations from the past.The claim of totalitarian regimes to abolish the old social divisions has resulted in the imposition of monolithic figures of unity and power: people, nation, party, leader. While in fascist Italy the distinction between the political body and Benito Mussolini was annulled, in Nazi Germany the political body was personalized, colonized by the imaginary of the race. The eugenics of Nazism sought the creation of the Aryan man, with perfect physical, intellectual and moral traits. The imaginary of the body in the communist imaginary has its peculiarities. The new communist man evokes, to a certain extent, a state of consciousness, considered superior, attached to a strong and energetic body, which suggests vitality and power of work. Lenin and Stalin were the embodiment of power and genius, their representations being associated with worship by the people. In the communist period, the image of the physical body is explicitly translated into the cult of personality.
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At the end of World War II, Europe’s future was unclear. Eastern Europe was liberated by the Soviet Red Army and Western Europe by the UK-US alliance from German occupation. The rivalry during the First Berlin Crisis between the wartime allies the US and the USSR would turn into the Cold War. From 1947 to 1956, the Soviet administration established several socialist satellite regimes in Eastern Europe. Consequently, opposition acts emerged in Eastern Europe. The opposition movements that intensified after the death of Stalin in 1953would change shape after 1956 and continue in their new format until the end of the Cold War.
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The analysis of the images of the Nine Eleven’s tragedy, produced and shown in the World Trade center’s collapse will stand as the starting point of a thought about the symbolical mechanisms’ coordination of the capitalist society’s political imagination. The symbolic value of the scene’s different elements will be questioned, isolated from the each others first, and then associated, through the reading table given by one kind of mythological narratives inserted in the Indo- European tradition (especially the judeo-christian’s one), in the genesis of our civilization. So, we’re going to take, as referent narratives, the ones about “Babel Tower” and “The ten plagues of Egypt” that we consider as ones of the most important founding myths in our Culture: “Babel” will let us know about the nature of the relation, between the spectator and his environment, connected by the upward symbol. “The death of the firstborn son” will give us some keys to get the disaster as a kind of sacrificial crisis, a tragedy assigned to the necessity of reproduction - resurrection of the power on its own ashes, still incandescent.
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The Bulgarian philologists present at the 1993 symposium of the Macedonian Scientific Institute (Sofia) focusing on "The Bulgarian Language in Macedonia", came up with quite a few sound arguments attesting to the unity of the Bulgarian (spoken and literary) language on the territory of Moesia, Thrace ad Macedonia. The author suggests that this positive result should be multiplied by providing proof from areas occupied by other branches of science: literature, history, archaeology, folklore, ethnography, arts, geography, philosophy, as wall as law and religion.
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Revolutions take place with the completion of the process of becoming another power while ending the administration of the existing government with violent methods by taking all the support of the society. Public support is the most important factor in the process of revolutions and after the events. The revolutionary movement, which always wants to feel the support of the people as the driving force behind it, is obliged to explain and convince why people should leave the old power and support them In this case, propaganda was a method frequently used by revolutions. Propaganda tools vary according to the technology of the period and the literacy rate of the people. The limited opportunities in the revolutions and the low literacy rate of the people constitute the common denominator. In this case, the art of painting has become indispensable as a propaganda tool of the revolution. In this study, revolutions in Mexico, Russia and Turkey were examined. As a result of the evaluations made, Mexican wall paintings attracted attention with their originality all over the world, while Russian revolution condemned the artists to the uniformed style. In Turkey’s case, the artists who were trying to explain revolution to the society, failed to do so.
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The article analyses contemporary Russian scholars’ usage of the frontier concept in studies devoted to borders, borderlands, contact zones, and the history of Russian development of new lands. The author highlights controversial areas in such studies, including the features of frontier territories, the typology of Russian frontiers, and the search for counterparts to the term “frontier” in the Russian language and among Russian historical and geographical names. Cases discussed include Russian scholars deny the heuristic potential of the frontier concept for Russian history. Both the rhetoric of such authors and their sometimes far-from-scholarly system of arguments are analyzed. The author considers problems and perspectives of frontier theory in comparison with a similar situation in Ukrainian and American historiography. The modern efforts of scholars from different countries to study lexical analogues of the concept of “frontiers” in order to explain the historical and cultural local specifics of various territories were analyzed. At the same time, some explorers are offering to refuse of this concept in research practices. Attention is drawn to reasons why this theory is especially actively used by representatives of various regional academic centers in Russia. The common and distinctive features of studies in the history of various Russian frontiers are characterized. The most prominent among those frontiers are the Siberian and the southern (North Caucasian) frontiers. The article points out the connection between some development trends of frontier investigations in Russia and the interest growth to regional history, the history of the Russian state expansion and the borders formation of foreign policy. The author draws attention to a new generation of studies which has developed under the influence of the frontier theory. They have significantly transformed the state of academic humanitarian community of the South of Russia, a community that is quiet conservative in relation to modern scientific concepts. Finally, perspective topics were proposed for further use of the frontier concept in research on the history of Russia.
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The discussion was devoted to the consideration of the paper, written by D.V. Sen’, about the current situation in frontier researches in Russia, which was published in the current issue of the journal. The participants of the discussion were scholars from Russia, the United States and Ukraine, who are studing the history of border territories and border communities. They focused on several key problems related to the main topic of discussion. These are the questions: 1. Is the frontier concept convincing today? What are its strong and weak aspects? 2. Is the concept of a frontier effective for studying all countries, or only some? To study the history of which countries it is useful and in which it does not work? Why do you have such a point of view? 3. Why are continued new attempts to find alternative theories of the frontier theory? 4. What perspectives have comparative studies of the frontier, which compare the history of the frontier of different countries? 5. Is it possible to apply the concept of frontier to the history of Russia? To study the history of which Russian regions is it effective? What “Russian frontier” looks as a myth? Some participants consider the frontier model “politically insecure”. Other participants considered this idea to be irrelevant. However, there is no reason to consider be untenable the concept of a frontier unproductive on the fields that have analogies between the American frontier and other frontiers. Various points of view were considered about the validity of the frontier theory in relation to different cases, examples of explaining these events in the context of the history of different states, territories, cultures using the concept of a frontier. The question was discussed whether the theory of the frontier can provide at the beginning of the XXI century fundamental influence on the study of the history of Russian regions. The question was asked: why in various national historiographies the debate about the search for analogies or even about the revision of the theory of the frontier does not stop? The participants in the discussion generally agreed with the opinion that the concept of the frontier can be recognized as a convincing explanatory model when referring specifically to the Russian historical experience of the development of new territories in the 16th-19th centuries. The participants of the discussion identified the problems and prospects for the further use of the concept of the frontier, not insisting on its “classical definition” and recognizing the absence of a single (internally homogeneous and consistent) concept of the frontier. An opinion was also expressed about the need to identify the main cases of the transformation of the frontier territory into the traditional territory of the country.
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The paper deals with the relation between religion and politics in the case of the Transylvanian Antitrinitarians. The main issue of the paper is: Did the Antitrinitarian theology affect in any way the policy of Transylvania? This question is answered in two steps: the role of Antitrinitarianism in the consolidation of the new state and the political allegiances of important personalities of the Antitrinitarian movement and nobility.
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The topic of this article is relevant due to the growing interest in studying the history of contacts between China and the Russian state expressed by Russian and Chinese scholars over the last decades (especially after the Belt and Road Initiative was announced in 2013). Political activities of the first Russian Emperor Peter the Great (reigned 1682‒1725), who contributed greatly to the formation and development of regular Sino-Russian relations in various fields, were a significant part of these contacts. The article investigates the issue of dialogue between states and civilizations, as well as the perception of nations by other nations – in this case, through reinterpreting historical facts. Both issues have increasingly attracted attention, especially with increasing globalization. The article also deals with one of the issues that can be raised while studying the image of Peter the Great in Chinese academic literature, namely, the evaluation of his activities in the field of Russia’s foreign policy. This issue has never been examined previously in Russia or abroad. The author reviews Chinese publications of the 1980s and the 1990s that investigate the foreign policy of Peter I in China in order to identify, classify and study research domains and specific issues connected with Peter’s diplomacy, which were of special concern to Chinese scholars. The author reveals how the foreign policy activities of Peter I were perceived and interpreted in China, and determines the possible sources for some of these interpretations and perceptions. The article intends to attract the researchers’ attention to the problems connected with Russia’s image in China and to throw some light on how the Chinese perceive such a prominent historical figure as Peter the Great.
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