Saiklerin ve Sebeplerin Işığında 986-998/1578-1590 Tarihli Osmanlı-Safevî Savaşı
Rudi Matthee, “The Ottoman-Safavid war of 986-998/1578-1590: motives and causes”, International Journal of Turkish Studies, vol. 20, no: 1-2 (2014), ss. 1-20
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Rudi Matthee, “The Ottoman-Safavid war of 986-998/1578-1590: motives and causes”, International Journal of Turkish Studies, vol. 20, no: 1-2 (2014), ss. 1-20
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The article Palestine. Historical Landmarks, analyzes succinctly the historical evolution of the territory of Palestine and the relations between Jews and Arabs. It also emphasizes the British policy towards the intentions of the two nations to form a national state.
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Over complex external conjunctions and internal political calculations, the historical act of the Union of Bessarabia with Romania on 27 March 1918 appears as a supreme achievement of a century-old desideratum of Romanians on both sides of the Prut. The Bessarabian Romanians were then bound by a geography of the soul of the nation they were crawling and tempering in the natural cadres of the Mama country, Romania. The Romanian Dignity Lesson of 1918 has demonstrated an extraordinary national solidarity in making a map of Romania that does not hurt. But this would not have been possible without the intervention of the Romanian Armed Forces in the space between the Prut and the Dniester − a military intervention which, moreover, was demanded by the Bessarabian brothers and, in particular, by the Entente, was tacitly accepted even by Central Powers. The political and strategic context of the crossing of the Prut by the Romanian Armed Forces troops led by General Ernest Broșteanu was represented by several elements: 1) the incapacity of the Country Councils (as the supreme legislative body) and of the Council of Directors (as governing body) to control the situation in the newly established Moldovan Democratic Republic, threatened by the pressure of the Bolshevik forces under way on the territory of Bessarabia, led to the request by the Bessarabian elite for military assistance from Romania; 2) the major interest of Romania to benefit, with the consent of the representatives of the Entente, in the territory between the Prut and the Dniester of a stable area ensuring its security of communications and access to the stock of weapons, ammunition, food, drugs, etc.; 3) The threat from the Entente's perspective to the expansion of Bolshevism from Russia, southern Ukraine to Bessarabia, Romania and other European countries, and the Central Powers' interest in making the Romanians engaged in the peace talks in Bucharest favored the support of both belligerent groups for Romanian military intervention. In this context, the intervention of the Romanian Army in Bessarabia represented a military action initiated and carried out as a strategic necessity for the security of Bessarabia (January-March 1918). The security of the territory left between the Carpathians and the Prut depended therefore on the space between the Prut and the Nistru, where the Romanian Army was deposited, and there were strategic communications routes necessary for the supply of ammunition and fighting techniques from the Allies. This element of vital strategic importance was jeopardized when the chaos associated with the great political changes in Russia (the February 1917 revolution and the formation of Karenski's government and, in particular, Lenin's Bolshevik revolution in October/November 1917) reached and Bessarabia − faced with violent disturbances and anarchy. From a political point of view, the disappearance of Russian autocracy and the Bolshevik government's determination to recognize the people's right to self-determination created favorable conditions for Bessarabia to break apart from the Russian state (autonomy and independence) and to unite with Mother Country Romania.
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En parlant de l’expédition de Darius contre les Scythes, Hérodote (IV, 85–90) dit que celui-ci est parti de Suse et il s’est dirigé vers la contrée de Calcédoine, sur le Bosphore, où, à l’ordre du roi, l’architecte Mandrokles de Samos avait construit un pont de bateaux qui liait les deux rives. À cet endroit, le Grand Roi est monté sur un navire et il s’est dirigé vers la mer Pontique, qu’il a longuement admirée assis sur l’un des rochers Cyanées. Ensuite, Darius est revenu sur le pont construit par Mandrokles, où, après avoir regardé aussi le Bosphore, a érigé deux stèles en marbre blanc, en gravant, en assyrien sur l’une et en grec sur l’autre, les noms de tous les peuples emmenés avec lui.
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The article presents a selected campaign of the Russo-Turkish War, which Turkey fought with Russia and its ally, Austria, in 1787–1792. The Author used the reports of „Gazeta Warszawska” – a leading information magazine, published in 1774–1793 under the editorial supervision of an ex-Jesuit, Father Stefan Łuskina, as the principal source of information. Throughout the entire conflict, Łuskin’s newspaper reported regularly (almost in every issue) on activities on the eastern front. The editor-in-chief was an advocate of pro-Russian position, which did affect the information provided by the publication. The news from the Eastern War published in „Gazeta Warszawska” was selected in such a way as to show the superiority of the Russian army over the Ottoman fleet and army and to prove that the opponents of the Tsaritsa opponents would be inevitably defeated. // Artykuł przybliża wybraną kampanię wielkiej wojny wschodniej, która toczyła się w latach 1787–1792 między Turcją a Rosją i sprzymierzoną z nią Austrią. Źródłem informacji wykorzystanych przez Autorkę są doniesienia „Gazety Warszawskiej” – czołowego pisma o charakterze informacyjnym, ukazującego się w latach 1774–1793 pod redakcją eks-jezuity, księdza Stefana Łuskiny. Przez cały okres trwania konfliktu łuskinowska gazeta regularnie (niemal w każdym numerze) relacjonowała działania na froncie wschodnim. Ksiądz redaktor był zwolennikiem orientacji prorosyjskiej, co nie pozostało bez wpływu na treść przekazywanych informacji. Publikowane w „Gazecie Warszawskiej” wiadomości z wojny wschodniej dobierał w taki sposób, aby wykazać wyższość oręża rosyjskiego nad flotą i armią osmańską oraz dowodzić nieuchronności klęski przeciwników carycy.
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This article is an overview of the recent history of Sri Lanka. Starting from the quarter of history of civil war, the author argues that humanitarian feeling are no policy alternative to common sense and that a military solution is, in some circumstances, the best way to save civilian lives.
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The present article highlights the situation created through the change in the force relations in South-East Europe after the Russian- Turkish War between 1828-1829, the main dispozitions of the Treaty of Adrianople and the dispozitions of the Regulamente Organice through which the Principalities dispose of the instrument destined to offer the government a normative framework..
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The present article is based both on unpublished documents – from the Romanian Military archives – as well as on published studies about the Little Entente. We have tried to render the work and role of the Romanian military attaches – in Prague and Belgrade – in the context of military cooperation within the Little Entente.
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The people’s heroes must not be mourned, but praised, as the way of their death lies on a path different to that of any other mortal. Their names are jotted on in the book of the eternal life of the Romanian people and the Church shall remember them by their names, before believers throughout the ages. Heroes were and shall remain our heroes for eternity, as they fought the good fight and have won. And by dying, sacrificing themselves, they left us the Great Romania. Who were those soldiers having conquered the enemy? They were our children, grandchildren, spouses, relatives, acquaintances and friends of our grandparents and our grandparents. Such heroes properly deserve our sacred honoring and our tribute of gratitude, the Holy Father Ioan, Metropolitan of Banat, states in an interview.
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The Romanian military hospitals, also called lazaretto, appeared in close relation with the organization of the military force. The first quarter of the lazaretto in Craiova was in the houses of boyar Priscoveanu. During the period of time between1833-1840, the Military hospital in Craiova was installed in various buildings in the city, such as the houses of the church Sfanta Troita or the rooms of boyar Iancu Gradisteanu. Starting from 1864, the Military Hospital in Craiova became a division hospital. In 1881 the new quarter of the Military Hospital was built by the Ministry of War in Caracal, a district in Craiova, being formed of several pavilions following the English pattern. Because of the new reorganization of the army, in 1883 the territorial divisions were turned into Corps of Army and the residence military hospitals received the title of Hospitals for Army Corps, being under the authority of the chief physician of the Army Corps.
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The paper brings general information on Bosnian members of the territorial militia - mustahfizes, and on foot soldiers – azabs, as the most numerous local guards and crew members of Bosnian fortresses. It further investigates the occurrence of the term mustahfiz in the Ottoman edicts, analyzing data on mustahfizes in Bosnia mentioned in the earliest books and protocols. As for azabs who were originally presented as light infantry in battles for conquering of new lands and fortresses, there is interesting information included in certain documents that speak of not only their moving from one fortress to another but of the change in their assignments which allowed for their becoming permanent fortress guards. It was in 1662 that a new mustahfizes ordinance was issued. The mustahfizes term is in the beginning introduced as a generic term but the goal of this paper is to discuss differentiation between mustahfizes as fortress guards and mustahfizes as timar leaders, and to describe specificities of their service. As typical examples, we mention documents belonging to Ćerimović family of Ljubuški that had for over a century served as mustahfizes of the Ljubuški fortress. This collection of documents contains the ordinance by Abdulkerim (Abdul-Kerim) dated 1716. By presenting of the documents, especially the sharia court registers of 1556-57 and those signed by mustahfizes that date as far back as 1794 and 1803, we want to show that mustahfizes as timar leaders had different competencies in relation to other fortress crew members.
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Thirty-nine-year-old Hino Ashihei volunteered for the Imphal operations conducted by the Japanese army during the Second World War, and served as an army press crew member. The Imphal operations were the operations that aimed to capture the city of Imphal, which was the base of the Allied Forces in north-eastern India, in order to cut the Allied lines of transportation. Three divisions, 烈the ‘Furious Division’ (the 31st infantry division), 祭the ‘Festival Division’ (15th infantry division) and 弓the ‘Bow Division’ (33rd infantry division) were formed under Lieutenant- General Mutaguchi Ren’ya, the commander of the 15th Army, and the operations were carried out from the 8th of March to the 3rd of July, 1944. The operations did not lead to the capture of Imphal, and, as the war dragged on, the Japanese army ran short of food and other supplies, had many victims and was finally defeated. Hino left six pocket notebooks on the operations, called Army Service Notebooks. As he took part in the actions of the ‘Bow Division’, many people who belonged to it, as well as the actual conditions are described in these notebooks. After the war, Hino wrot the novel Youth and Mud based on his pocket notebooks. In this paper I will discuss the actual conditions of the Imphal War and the novel Youth and Mud.
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Even though the First World War was caused by tension in the east of Europe, not so long ago, quite a number of historians, as if repeating the words of Winston Churchill, tended to portray the Eastern Front in Europe as an “unknown war”. Not only was the war in the east little known, but the remembrance of the war in Eastern Europe remains little investigated. Lithuania is one of the countries in the region where for a long time nothing was known about the remembrance of the Great War. Many historians argued that this kind of remembrance simply did not exist. The article invites us to reconsider this statement by paying attention to the question of how the merits of different actors in the struggle for national freedom were interpreted and represented in interwar Lithuania. Instead of painting a monolithic picture of Lithuania, the article proposes to look at its society as a fragmented construct, whose different parts offered a rather ambiguous answer to the question.
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Dr. Gavrilă Iuga (1880-1940) was a Romanian lawyer from Maramures and an officer in the Austro-Hungarian Army during the First World War. On July 31, 1916 he falls prisoner on the Russian front. Then the Kingdom of Romania was a military ally of the Tsarist Empire and, therefore, it was the question of organizing, on a voluntary basis, former Romanian-born soldiers from the Austro-Hungarian Army who had been killed prisoners in Russia and the establishment of regiments to be integrated into the Romanian Armed Forces. In this context, Dr. Gavrilă Iuga was given the mission to travel to Siberia to identify Romanian prisoners there and, with the consent of the Tsarist authorities, to team up with Romanian Army uniforms and to organize them in detachments to travel and to fight on the Marasesti front. To this end, Dr. Gavrilă Iuga conducted an intense campaign to convince these prisoners to join the Romanian Army, distributing even a propaganda newspaper edited for this purpose.
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Caius Julius Caesar, the conqueror of Gaul, described in detail the country, the places and the people he conquered, being considered one of Europe’s earliest sociologists, anthropologists and ethnographers, besides his qualities as a general, politician and personality of the ancient world. His most famous literary masterpiece, De bello Gallico, is not only a chronicle of war, history, ethnic and geographical monograph, but also a true dictionary of names of Gallic tribes, tribe chiefs, gods, regions, rivers, mountains, localities, social structures, etc. Our study deals with the names of the tribes, populations, unions of Gallic tribes which appear in the books De bello Gallico, both in the Gaul conquered by the great and visionary politician, and in Britain, for it is known that the brilliant general of Rome made the first incursion into the territories over the English Channel, a territory that would be partly conquered by the Romans, after Caesar. We will present the Gallic tribes about which Caesar writes in his work in alphabetical order, not in the order of their occurrence in the text of Caesar, while trying to make a lexicographical list and offering the translated term and the Latin one. In Latin, all the names of tribes came within the category of pluralia tantum and proper nouns, being actually considered proper names, with declension only in the plural, for logical reasons, as there were several components in a tribe.
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This article is based on letters and diaries of nurses from the Scottish Women’s Hospitals who served at the front in South-eastern Romania during the First World War. The hypothesis is that self-examination in the Scottish women’s diaries was prompted by the tragedy and trauma of the violent conflict ravaging the country, and that this self-analysis resulted in the nurses changing their attitude towards the war, which they no longer saw as glorious or as an “adventure”, but were able to perceive in its full horror. The failure of the Romanians and Russians on the Dobruja front – considered of secondary significance – disillusioned not only the Scottish nurses, but the entire Romanian army and the already sceptical representatives of the Russian imperial army.
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The mention of the possible presence of the Romanians from the North of the Danube in the Knights' Crusade, the second and most important stage of the First Crusade, belongs to the chronicler Fulcher of Chartres, the eye witness of the events. The account of the French scholar attracted my attention when I was working on the full translation into Romanian of the oldest source of the First Crusade, The Anonymous Chronicle (Anonymi Gesta Francorum et Aliorum Hierosolymitanorum). The value of this translation, to be published this year, arises from its necessity in research in various scientific fields, from History and Theology to Political Sciences. Reaching the narrative - in the Normand (South-Italian) version of Gesta – of the desert of Pisidia difficult crossing, it was necessary to verify / study thoroughly the information by comparing it with another source. The mention of the ‘Dacians’ among the crusader troops by the chronicler of Chartres gave rise to an unavoidable interest. Of course, Fulcher's reference requires a careful and broader exegesis than a comparative footnote in a translation of a different historical source. Hence the need to extend, through an exclusive study, the perspective of the research I initially dealt with to verify the hypothesis of a significant Romanian military contingent that accompanied the crusader armies, at least to the siege of Antioch (21 October 1097 – 3 June 1098).
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Following the Austrian-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the new authorities introduced an interconfessional school system aimed at educating children in the spirit of Bosnian-Herzegovinian provincial and Habsburg civic patriotism. Existing South Slavic textbooks, containing numerous texts that were offensive to Muslims, proved unsuitable for such an undertaking. The goal of this article is to address the treatment of history in the new textbooks written for Bosnia and Herzegovina’s state primary schools, considering both the selection of historical topics and the manner in which historical education was utilized in order to impart desirable loyalties among the students and further the government’s political goals. Besides encouraging the students to identify with the glorious deeds of their medieval forefathers and thus fostering a historically based Bosnian patriotism, the textbooks were written with a clear intent to appeal to the province’s Muslims and, in particular, to their gentry. They implied a clear continuity between Bosnia’s medieval, supposedly Bogomil aristocracy and the contemporary Muslim elites, while also being careful not to address historical topics in a manner that may offend Muslim sensibilities. Lastly, considerable effort was invested into historically justifying contemporary Habsburg rule over Bosnia in Herzegovina and, in a wider sense, teaching the children that a benevolent foreign government may benefit a society suffering from disunity or rebelliousness.
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The topic of this article is presenting how the Great Patriotic War (GPW) is depicted in Russian national history textbooks. Here, I consider textbooks not only as a source of knowledge about the past times, but first and foremost as a tool to create the state’s historical policy. I examine the GPW, in turn, as a fundamental myth of the Russian society which—without any doubt—constitutes one of the main pillars of identity of modern Russians. Another subject of this study is the changes in Russian education that took place in 2013-2015, that is during the presidency of Vladimir Putin. In so doing, I focus primarily on the creation of the Concept of a new educational and methodological complex for teaching national history and the introduction of new national history textbooks (the idea of the so-called “single textbook”). I strive to show in the article that the picture of the GPW in the new textbooks is mainly based on success—of the Red Army, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Soviet nation.
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The article deals with the first diplomatic contacts of Rome in the Hellenistic world in 3rd century BC (before the beginning of the Second Macedonian War). The author attempts to discover if Roman Senate had common approach to its eastern policy in this period. In general the author agrees with those scholars who assert that Romans on their eastern diplomacy used the instrument (widespread in the interstate relations of the Hellenistic world) of “informal friendship” (amicitia – φιλία). However, tracing the development of the Roman relations with its “friends” in the Eastern Mediterranean, the author comes to the conclusion that from the beginning of the Illyrian Wars Roman attitude towards those states which established the amicable relations with Rome started to change. Romans more and more perceived these states as clients and expected from them services, which were usually provided by the Roman socii in Italy. The only exception from such a practice was the military alliance with Aetolia during the First Macedonian War which was determined by the extraordinary circumstances of this conflict.
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