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There are personalities in Bulgarian history of whom enough can never be written or said. Colonel Boris Stoyanov Drangov occupies a distinguished place among them. He was an eminent Bulgarian soldier and educator, war theorist, teacher and researcher, psychologist, writer and publicist.
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Neko je pisao da Rimljani udariše temelj Gradačcu. Možda je i to moglo biti. Historičari pišu njegove zgode i nezgode od 1634. godine, jer tad se i prvi put spominje u pisanim dokumentima, a prije toga njegova je prošlost zastrta velom, koji, čini mi se, uskoro neće biti skinut.
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In defense of Gracanica and its surroundings (1992- 1995) the most important position was held by 111th Gracanica Brigade, formed by the transformation of Detachment of Territorial Defense and parts of the territorial groupings of the Regional headquarters Gracanica, Orahovica, Malesici, Soko. It was formed on the 1st September 1992 and spread the glory of Gracanica to many Bosnian battlefields: from Gradacac, Brcko, Ozren, lo Olovo, Vares, Vijenac. From the time of its formation till 7th of March 1993 the commander of the Brigade was Tarik Nuhanovic, later on Smajl Mesic (till 31st January, 1994) and Dzemal Jukan till the end of the war. The main task of this brigade was to protect and keep safe the unoccupied territory of Gracanica municipality. As a main packed formation it held the long line more than 35 kilometers along Spreca and Trebava.
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Iako je proslo punih 10 godina od pocetka rata za Bosnu i Hercegovinu, Gracanica jos uvijek nije dobila svoju "knjigu mrtvih". Ne ulazeci u uzroke takvog stanja, "Gracanicki glasnik", evo, po prvi put objavljuje cjelovite spiskove poginulih branitelja, pripadnika Armije Republike Bosne i Hercegovine i spiskove ubijenih civila na podrucju opcine Gracanica. Bez obzira sto smo ulozili velike napore da bismo kompletirali ove spiskove, svjesni smo cinjenice da oni nisu potpuni, mada su najpotpuniji do sada napravljeni. Stoga vas molimo za razumijevanje zbog eventualnih nedostataka ovog priloga.
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The war mood in atmosphere in the former Yugoslavia, at the beginning of '90-ties, firstly escalated in media. The striking wave of aggressor's attacks was moving from the north to the south. The Serbia obstruction of federal functions within Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was disclosed at the federal level, and Yugoslav military corps under the command of carefully chosen Serbian personnel at the top, had shown its true colors during the fifteen-day armed conflicts in Slovenia in 1991. It can be said that Slovenians expelled the Yugoslav armed forces from their country with media reports thus revealing its use in purpose of achieving the aims for creation of the Great Serbia. In continuation of media and carefully directed armed conflicts in Croatia, the Yugoslav army had always kept the side of Serb people, were previously armed, by it and with whom it jointly defined the fight against the National Guard and other units, in order to withdraw and evacuate the same to Bosnia and Serbia. Along with the media banagure of the Great Serbia, the Yugoslav Army armed the Bosnian Serbs and brought its potential and effective to the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. When it finished, the media aggression continued with all available units of joint forces: the Yugoslav army, plus armed Serbs that were organized against Bosnia and Herzegovina and other non-Serb population by the Serb Democratic Party. Resistance to armed aggression considered also opposing the media program and coverage of its own space. Magazines such as BILTEN and BILJEG appeared as incarnation of printed media i.e. press in a small Bosnia town of Gracanica, which are subject to this story.
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Agresija na Bosnu i Hercegovinu dugo će predstavljati pravi izazov za proučavanje i poučavanje, posebno kada su u pitanju uzroci i posljedice agresije, njen karakter i njen tok kao i uslovi pod kojima je izvedena u vremenu “ubijanja Bosne” od 1992. do 1995. godine. Indirektne, pak, posljedice jos dugo ce se manifestovati na pravnom, državnom, ekonomskom i populacionom planu ove zemlje.
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Pojačano zanimanje šire javnosti za historijsku poziciju Bosne i Bošnjaka u Drugom svjetskom ratu primjećuje se nakon velikih društvenih promjena i izvršene agresije na BIH, u kojoj su Bošnjaci doživjeli daleko veća stradanja, genocid i istrebljenje nego u Drugom svjetskom ratu. PovaIače se historijske paralele između minulog rata za BiH i naših saznanja o događajima u Drugom svjetskom ratu, otkrivaju se bolne istine i zablude, ruše se poluvjekovni mitovi, veličine i legende.
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Da bismo odgovorili na pitanje postavljeno u naslovu, odnosno da bi se uopće govorilo o Bošnjacima u Drugom svjetskom ratu, moramo se vratiti unazad, u vrijeme autonomnog pokreta Husein-kapetana Gradaščevića 1831. i 1832. godine, u kojem su se bosanski plemići prepoznali kao autentični Bošnjaci. Riječ je o vremenu poslije francuske buržoaske revolucije iz 1789. godine, u kojem nastaje proces nacionaliziranja teritorija i stvaranja nacionalnih država u Evropi. Pokret Husein-bega Gradaščevića može se u potpunosti razumjeti samo ako se posmatra u tom vremenu i u tom kontekstu, a ne onako kako mu se često podmetalo i podmeće: da je rušio Halifat i islamsku državu.
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U želji da u što sažetijem obliku predstavim TPK kao prvi konstituisani Kanton u F BiH i u isto vrijeme da se izlože pozitivna iskustva u dosadašnjem funkcionisanju Kantona kao dijela F BiH i države BiH, prvo se otvara dilema oko samog pristupa i težišta izlaganja ove teme, prije svega zbog ukupnog položaja ovog Kantona u okviru Federacije i svih specifičnosti koje ima, počevši od samog njegovog nastajanja, pa do razvojnih koncepcija i budućnosti. Baš zbog tih specifičnosti i mnogih originalnih rješenja u pogledu nastanka, pravno-političke konstitucije i društveno-ekonomskog razvoja TPK, ova tema može biti zanimljiva za širu javnost i ukupnu našu pravno- političku praksu.
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Krupni historijski događaji, koji čine historijska raskršća, gotovo po pravilu aktueliziraju bitna historijska pitanja konkretnih naroda i država. To nepisano pravilo se potvrdilo i u minulom bosanskohercegovačkom ratu (agresijı na BiH 1992- 1995). I sada su se sasvim prirodno na neki nacin nametnula pitanja drzave Bosne i Hercegovine...
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Socijalistička samoupravna, podrustvljena kultura, sagorjela je i usahla u jalovim raspravama na nivou samoupravnilı interesnih zajednica kulture i u galopirajućoj stopi inflacije, prije - nego je osvanulo sivilo medijskog rata i zavladalo carstvo kiča i šunda, novokomponovane muzike, novog primitivizma - kao instrumentaliziranih oblika subverzivne agresije i najšireg fronta svakovrsnog medijskog nasilja i pripreme za rat; odnosno - oružane agresije.
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Both in the historiography of the last decades as well as in the Romanian collective mentality, the year 1917 (with its climax, battles of Mărăști, Mărășești, Oituz) is almost exclusively an Romanian success, the Russian ally being presented in a vague light, which rather suggests a discreet influence of the political situation on the front and the territory under the Romanian state. In reality, over 1 million Russian soldiers on the Romanian territory represented a permanent source of hope mingled with fear, and the two revolutions (from March and October) and the profound transformations they have generated have greatly influenced relations between the allies.
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Foreign occupation in Dobruja manifested through an initial regime of Bulgarian occupants, marked by terror and insecurity. The exodus of the Romanian population was significant. Since February 1917, when German authorities have established their own occupation regime in most of Dobruja territory, many of the economic, political and social problems have faded. As a result, a large number of refugees returned home. Testimonies edited at that time prove to be of real use in the present. In the process of spoliation of the local population, the German military administration has developed a number of various economic plans, some of which have been preserved until now. Two of the important documents that refer to these plans are: The Report of the German Administration of Dobruja in April 1917, with rich information of an economic, administrative and social issues and report on the conversations between the stage commanders and the officers charged with exploitation and supply. The major interest of the occupation authorities in the economic opportunities of Dobruja is noted. It is worth noting the extremely complex, well-thought-out and well-implemented exploitation plans of the region.
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Researching on the First World War in the Middle East is still in the initial stages in spite of the shared opinion on the particular relevance of this event for the future development of Modern Middle East. The reasons of this situation are multiple and complex in their nature. Nevertheless, the events that occurred in the Middle East during the entire period of First World War correspond with the patterns of the most intense operational theaters. To a similar extent, the military sequences opened in the Middle East should be seen through the same lens of the dramatic confrontations erupted in Europe after the assassination in Sarajevo. From this perspective, the events occurred during 1917 should be analyzed in conjunction with the evolutions developed in the relative distant areas like France, Caucasus and the Balkans. Seen from the belligerents’ perspective, the operational record of this period is one of the most intensive one, including fierce fighting as was the case of those occurred in Southern Palestine and Mesopotamia. Although, it was treated as one of the secondary fronts, the events occurred during this period had a strategic impact for the overall war effort of the involved countries.
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The observatory mission sent to Romania by the US War College arrived there on 14 November. The officers Parker and Kerth retired soon in Moldavia, together with the army and authorities. Being representatives of a neutral power, their wish to visit the front was for some time denied by the Romanian General Headquarters. Even after these visits were allowed (in January 1917), they were restricted to headquarters. Only in May 1917 King Ferdinand gave the permission to inspect a front sector (Oituz-Putna) and then two cavalry divisions near Botoşani. The mission ended on 30 May. Afterwards, Parker wrote a report which argued the necessity of supporting the Romanian army with all kind of materials, emphasizing that the survival of Romania is crucial for the future evolution of the war in Europe.
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Evoquer la reine Marie de Roumanie à propos de la Grande Guerre est un devoir pour tout historien, même militaire. Car la reine de la Roumanie «entra dans la guerre comme on entre en religion; elle s’y est cloitrée, renonçant a tout le reste pour le salut de sa patrie, de sa dynas- tie et des causes sacrées qui unissaient alors les allies» (Comte de Saint-Aulaire, Confession). L’étude présente à côté des extraits du Journal de guerre de la reine du temps des grandes batailles de Mărăşti, Mărăşeşti, Oituz, les témoignages de Maurice Paléologue, général Radu R. Rosetti, du comte de Saint-Aulaire, le ministre de la République française auprès le roi Ferdinand Ier de Roumanie et même celui du feld-maréchal August von Mackensen, le com- mandant en chef des troupes ennemies pendant les batailles des Portes de la Moldavie, des mois Juillet-Septembre 1917. La reine fut non seulement la mère des blésées, l’organisatrice des plusieurs hôpitaux et du service des ambulances automobiles «Reine Marie», mais le se- cours de tous les nécessiteux, sans aucune discrimination. Elle fit des visites au front pour en- courager ses braves soldats sans se soucier des périls ce qui faisait l’admiration de Mackensen lui-même. La reine Marie a été pendant toute la guerre «le ministre de la confiance nationale» (Comte de Saint-Aulaire, Confession).
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The works of the two authors present the German vision on the role played by Japan in the warfare in the Far East and the main events unfolded during the First World War in northeast Africa. Concerning the entry into war of Japan, the author emphasizes the political disputes over the national identity between the two existing orientations/camps at the state level, one pro- German, led by Emperor Assistant Yamagata Aritomo, who promoted an authoritarian state following the Prussian model, and the other pro-British, formed around Foreign Minister Kato Takaaki, an Anglo-African career diplomat who believed in state democratization following the English model. Japan’s contribution to the war was quite modest, being considered by the German Reich as a weak link in its enemy’s chain, and the results it obtained following the Versailles Peace Conference and the Washington follow-up, on the one hand, and the emergence of the global economic crisis of 1920, on the other hand, have led to the emergence and deepening of tensions with China. The Northeast Africa Operation Area, with countries like Ethiopia, Darfur, Egypt and Somalia, repeatedly associated with international crises and internal conflicts, seemed to be of secondary importance to the German Reich in the First World War. However, as the author points out, the outbreak of conflict in this area and the increase in its strategic importance have generated a special interest in both the German and Turkish war plans, but also the expansion of Great Britain, France and Italy, which created their colonial bases in the area. An important role in conducting actions in this area of conflict was played by both leaders of the states in the area, as well as the anti-colonial and religious movements led by several clans, such as the Senussi-Brotherhood.
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The study focuses on a well-known personality in Romanian historiography – Captain Grigore Ignat. On August 6, 1917, while leading his machine-gun company, he managed to stop the attack of the enemy forces, allowing the commandant of Division 13 to prepare the rescue counterattack. The study highlights the military career of Grigore Ignat, with its ups and downs. The result is a truthful portrait to one of the heroes of the Battle of Mărășești and of the war of national unification.
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