„Meka sila” u funkciji spoljnopolitičke strategije Ruske Federacije

Author(s): Jelica Kurjak / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Promene na geopolitičkoj karti sveta koje su se dogodile krajem XX veka, sa tendencijom dalje rekonstrukcije, bile su i jesu do te mere svestrane i sveobuhvatne da su rezultirale potpunom promenom paradigme u sistemu vrednosti poznatom i prihvaćenom posle Drugog svetskog rata, pa i nekoliko decenija i vekova unazad. Jedna od najradikalnijih promena s najupečatljivijim posledicama jeste završetak bipolarne podele sveta. Podela na Istok i Zapad, čije su imanencije bile Sovjetski Savez sa svojim Varšavskim blokom (i istoimenim vojnim savezom), i SAD sa NATO, značile su ne samo višedecenijsko življenje na granici ratnih sukoba, već i deobu na dva sistema vrednosti, dva ekonomska sistema i dve političke opcije razvoja. Pokazalo se posle pola veka postojanja, da je sukobe moguće izbeći i bez postojanja te dve glomazne tvorevine koje je delio sve veći jaz nepremostivih razlika u ekonomskom razvoju. Dok je zapadni deo sveta koračao sve većim i bržim koracima ka prelasku u postindustrijsko, a zatim u informaciono društvo, istočni deo sveta je sve više zaostajao pritisnut rastućim izdvajanjima za trku u naoružanju, da bi krajem osamdesetih godina XX veka konačno posustao i nevoljno, ali nužno iskazao želju da se promeni stanje stvari. To je za posledicu imalo ne samo demontažu sistema i ideologije kao takve, već pre svega raspad jedne super sile i unutrašnje imperije koju je ona predstavljala, tj. SSSR.

Economic and Financial Aspects of Forced Migration from Bulgaria in 1989

Author(s): Mustafa Miynat,Öznur Akyol,Deniz Alçin Şahintürk / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The pressures that started with the name changes of Turkish villages in the 1930s began to rise even further with the “one nation” decision of the communist regime in 1956. By the year 1984, the Turks whose names were changed perforce due to the assimilation policy in Bulgaria and whose languages were banned started a resistance campaign, which was widely supported by the Turks in the resistance zone. The Bulgarian government has forced the Turks to migrate in 1989 in order to avert Turkish people from gaining further power in the region. The then Prime Minister Turgut Ozal has offered the introduction of a migration law which the Bulgarian government rejected, declaring a forceful expulsion within twenty-four hours. The 1989 Bulgarian immigration went down in history as the largest migration movement in Europe after the Word War II. In our study, the economic and financial impacts of the tragedy that the Turks went through in Bulgaria are discussed.

Vila „Okopanina“ Výcvikové centrum kurýrů v Bruchsalu v letech 1949-1950

Author(s): Petr Blažek / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

A few years after 1948, the most common type of intelligence operations used by the anti-communist resistance in exile was dispatching couriers (“agent-walkers”, in contemporary terminology) who secretly crossed the state border to the Czechoslovak territory in order to perform different tasks. This text deals with training of couriers carried out by an intelligence group which had been created by former Czechoslovak army general František Moravec with the support of the American secret service. It operated at the turn of the 1940s and 1950s in Bruchsal, West Germany. The training was led by former Czechoslovak soldiers and policemen with combat experience who had fled the country after February 1948. The leading figure among the intelligence officers acting in Bruchsal was former Czechoslovak army major Antonín Bartoš, who went into exile in February 1948 and was then involved in the anti-communist resistance.

Rudolf Kalčík. Životopisná črta

Author(s): Martin Tichý / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Author and scriptwriter Rudolf Kalčík could have considered himself a successful writer. However, after his death and mainly after 1989, he was slowly falling to oblivion. Today, the public knows him primarily as the author of the novel Král Šumavy (The King of Šumava), which was preceded by an eponymous movie in the preparations of which Rudolf Kalčík was involved. In the movie, he made use of his personal experience as a member of the Border Guard. In dozens of short stories, mostly scattered in magazines and newspapers, in several novels and scripts he presented a distinct view of the period after February 1948 in Czechoslovakia and the so called security issues, on which he focused as an author. It was this almost ideological distinctiveness which was most likely the reason why his work lost its appeal to readers. However, his legacy, though of varying quality, is an interesting document of the given period.

„Podivné přátelství“ režiséra Steklého - Krátká poznámka o dlouhé barrandovské kariéře (1945-1985)

Author(s): Petr Kopal / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

The text comprehends the relation between the politics and culture (movies), everyday life of the filmmaker – especially after beginning of the normalization. It analyses the subject on the bases of the life of director Karel Steklý (1903–1987) and his long Barrandov career and quite a different example of Jiří Menzel (1938), the representative of the “new wave”, young but internationally famous holder of an Oscar for Closely Watched Trains (1966). At the beginning of the 1970s Barrandov’s new leadership made it impossible for him to work in the field. Menzel like other filmmakers naturally wanted to do his work and shoot movies. The conditions were clear: try to come to an agreement with normalization authorities, who on purpose dragged out the time of uncertainty, vagueness and humiliation (from the viewpoint of the cultural anthropology it could be specified as the clear linear phase of transition) with those “sinners”. Steklý became a holder of the Venice prize Golden Lion for the movie Sirens (1947) and in 1952 created movie Anna the Proletarian. After the beginning of normalization he certainly did not belong to the ostracized workers of Barrandov studios, on the contrary: Czechoslovak State Film strived after his services. In spite of that and for the sake of his career he entered into a “strange friendship” with Miroslav Müller, secretary and director of culture department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (1972–1989).

Čeští a slovenští intelektuálové a jejich vztah ke komunistické straně v kontextu východní Evropy

Author(s): Jan Rychlík / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

The whole Marxist-Leninist theory is quite complex and its understanding requires a specific knowledge of philosophy and economy, and even advanced ability of abstract thinking. Only people of elites with their education, insight and management skills were able to become real leaders of the communist movement. Intellectuals were important part of these elites. They did not earn their living by physical work, but contemplated about world and its problems. After the Great War the communists thought that the Russian revolution was only a beginning of the world revolution and establishment of other soviet republics. At first the USSR was supposed to be a global union of states. In reality was this state continuously matched with former Russia, that was indeed its biggest part. This term was used this way not only beyond borders, but by communists too. Understanding of the communist idea by intellectuals was in Eastern Europe influenced by relations their specific state/nation had with Russia during the course of history. This did not prove to be an issue in the case of Czech and Slovak intellectuals of the interwar and post-war Czechoslovakia, because they traditionally and openly inclined to Russia. This attraction was only strengthening in the Second World War:USSR („new socialist Russia“) became an ally and liberator. Similar situation existed in Bulgaria and Yugoslavia immediately after the war. On contrary Poland, Hungary and Romania were rusophobic due to previous encounters. Communists in the countries mentioned above (not very numerous after war) were perceived as a fifth column instead of heroes of the anti-Nazi resistance. As a result the relation of the intellectuals in these countries was ambivalent or negative towards the local communist parties.

Komunistický intelektuál - víťaz hodnotového sporu v „medzičase“ pred komunistickou diktatúrou

Author(s): Vlasta Jaksicsová / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

The story of the European “communist intellectual” (Czech or Slovak intellectuals included) began in 1920s. It was him, who used the crisis of the modern society to spread the myth of just heaven in Lenin’s soviet Russia (after 1917) and in 1930s in Stalin’s Soviet Union. The disillusion caused by the failure of the European civilization and demise of the “old world” and its order in the first world war played a crucial role in establishment of the leftist oriented European avant-garde of the 1920s. Repeated (and intensified) feeling of disappointment from the failure of the civilization was brought by the second world war and invigorated the mind of the communist intellectual in his faith in the communism as the only possible and right social project. In the minds of the people became the end of the Second World War a psychological, economical and cultural turning point. The war disintegrated traditional system and created new ones in a time, when return of the past looked thanks to previous war experience inconceivable. In the Czech-Slovak and wider European context was the war followed by three years of rivalry between socialist and communist view on democracy and the liberal and conservative Christian democracy. Dispute over values (ideal, esthetical, ideological and concepts and visions) was a result of a deep and fundamental change of the reality of the post-war society, which was the cause of the inclusion of Slovakia as part of the renewed Czechoslovak republic in the Stalin’s sphere of interest. This (in foreign affair context and with the victory of democracy over fascist dictatorship) was comprehended as a leftist or socialist choice of values in the local cultural and social conditions that limited pluralism and got a label of “people democracy”. It is not very surprising, that the war of values between communist left with liberal or conservative right became a conceptual part of a wider cultural and artistic discourse in Slovak environment, where literature and journalism played an important role in the society. It is well known that communist intellectual triumphed in this important fight in the Eastern Europe under Stalin’s control. He was convinced that his only conceivable way of life is a communist way. “Soviet ally” and a big “Slavic brother” for European “liberating” project entered a favorable times for imposing socialist ideas in the heads of important political and cultural elites of post-war Czechoslovakia.

Historik ve spárech politiky Milan Hübl v šedesátých letech dvacátého století

Author(s): Zdeněk Doskočil / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Czech historian Milan Hübl (1927-1989) is mostly remembered in connection with the political career of Gustáv Husák, whom he helped to return to politics in 1960s. The contemporary historiography has paid a much lesser attention to Hübl’s polytematic research work and political activities during so-called Prague spring and dissent. In 1960s Hübl was one of the important intellectuals, who formed and influenced the public discourse in a reformist sense. His papers and disputations were a part of critical attacks of Czech and Slovak Marxist historians, who got rid of the restrictions of the dogmatic Stalinism and thought over the former schematic assessments of events from KSČ and Czechoslovak history. He was probably the first Czech post-war historian, who started to research the relations between Czechs and Slovaks. In the Czech environment he was particular thanks to a rare sensitivity to Slovak issues and empathy to opinions of intellectuals from Bratislava. He was aware, that the solution for relationship of the both nations is the key for the success of the reformist movement in the whole state. Interest in Slovak issues quickly dragged him into politics. He became to be well known in 1963–1964 period, thanks to his employment in Barnabitska Rehabilitative Committee and publishing of few papers criticizing attitude of Czech intellectuals to Stalin’s repressions. This led him into conflict with the party and he got a label of nonconformist rebel. In 1968 he entered the high politics. He became a chancellor of the University of Politics, he collaborated on preparations of the Constitutional Act on the Czechoslovak Federation and in August 1968 he became a member of the Central Committee of the Czechoslovak Communist Party. After the soviet occupation he had to face attacks of conservative dogmatics. Gustáv Husák, who became a first secretary of the Communist party of Czechoslovakia in April 1969 largely thanks to Hübl, disavowed him. Hübl was dismissed from all political positions, expelled from the party and prohibited from working in his field of specialization. He did not give up and took part in various activities of the reformist communist opposition, which led to his arrest. In summer 1972 he was sentenced to six and a half years in prison.

Ľubomír Lipták ako komunistický intelektuál

Author(s): Adam Hudek / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Ľubomír Lipták was in various ways a perfect example of his generation’s Czech and Slovak Marxist intellectuals. His thoughts and ideology were formed by resolute support for the communist regime in the fifties, gradual revision of previous opinions in the sixties, active participation on social reform during Prague spring and consequent forced departure from research position in the times of normalisation. Analysis of this opinion arch allows us to describe a transformation of a loyal party historian to a critically thinking communist intellectual. “Destalinisation and self-reflection” combined with gradual liberalisation of the ideology oversight resulted inevitably in criticism of the communist regime and his top representatives. The fact, that Lipták’s critical analyses of the 20th century events exceeded the issue of Czech-Slovak settlement sealed his fate in normalisation. Changes in Lipták’s relationship to regime of socialist dictatorship in the same time illustrates shift in the communist establishment’s approach to intellectual elites. At the beginning of the fifties the establishment made an effort to „breed“ its own loyal intelligence only to find out that the communist party accomplished only to unintentionally create its own critics.

History Of Syrian Kurds And Their Political Parties

Author(s): Jordi Tejel / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

As the Syrian army pulled out of several towns in the north and northeast of the country in July 2012, Kurds found themselves masters of their own destiny after more than 40 years of dictatorship and political marginalisation.In the face of the sudden retreat of the state security apparatus, the Democratic Union Party (PYD), the Syrian offshoot of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), and the Kurdish National Council, composed of sixteen political parties, signed a political agreement providing for the creation of a joint Supreme Kurdish Council and the establishment of‘popular defence forces’ in order to secure Kurdish gains. However, despite the apparent unity, the operational capacity of the Supreme Kurdish Council was hindered by an unbalanced power relationship between the PYD and the Kurdish National Council, in favour of the former, as well as their uneven representation in the three main Kurdish enclaves in northern Syria (Allsopp2014: 194–200).

Propitivanja, prijepori, transformacije

Author(s): Tihomir Ponoš,Miroslav Ambruš Kiš,Milena Beader,Srđan Dvornik,Vesna Janković,Nela Pamuković,Duška Pribičević-Gelb,Nenad Zakošek,Ognjen Tus,Vesna Teršelič / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Transkript razgovora osnivača/ica Antiratne kampanje, održanog 29. lipnja 2011. u Kući ljudskih prava, Zagreb. Razgovor moderirao Tihomir Ponoš. Sudionici: Miroslav Ambruš Kiš, Milena Beader, Srđan Dvornik, Vesna Janković, Nela Pamuković, Duška Pribičević-Gelb, Vesna Teršelič, Ognjen Tus, Nenad Zakošek

Umrežavanje, umrežavanje, umrežavanje...

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

1. Originalni projekti; 2. ARK ‘91.-‘92.

Izvorni dokumenti

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Pogled izvana: Wish You Were Here

Author(s): Vesna Janković / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Tijekom zajedničkog prisjećanja na početke Antiratne kampanje, mnogi aktivisti/aktivistice naglasili su ulogu koju je međunarodno umrežavanje i prisutnost stranih volontera odigrala u razvoju ARK-ovih aktivnosti, ali i artikuliranju vrijednosnih i političkih polazišta. Dok je u domaćoj literaturi uglavnom reflektirana negativna strana utjecaja velikih međunarodnih agencija i fondacija na razvoj tzv. civilne scene, pozitivna iskustva suradnje, podrške i međunarodne solidarnosti na grassroots razini ostala su gotovo nezabilježena. Suncokret, Volonterski projekt Pakrac, Balkan Peace Team, Nexus... samo su neke od organizacija u čijem su djelovanju sudjelovali brojni volonteri/volonterke iz cijelog svijeta. Mnogi od njih stekli su duboka prijateljstva i ostali do danas povezani s lokalnim antiratnim, ženskim i grupama za ljudska prava. Neki su godinama živjeli u regiji, neki su povremeno dolazili, a neki su i ostali živjeti ovdje. Iako je među njima bilo onih koji su s mirovnim i ženskim organizacijama u bivšoj Jugoslaviji surađivali i prije rata, za većinu je to bio prvi dolazak. I iskusni mirovni aktivisti, aktivistice, i oni kojima je ovo bio prvi ozbiljniji društveni angažman, zajedno s nama učili su i rasli. Stečena iskustva antiratnog pokreta u bivšoj Jugoslaviji danas su ugrađena u strategije i instrumente globalnog mirovnog pokreta, a poslužila su i kao inspiracija za knjige i doktorate. U želji da zabilježimo njihov doprinos antiratnim inicijativama na ovim prostorima, uputili smo poziv našim inozemnim prijateljima i prijateljicama da zapišu svoja sjećanja, osobne priče i kritička promišljanja i tako se upišu u ovu skicu jednog vremena. Upitnik smo poslali na 30-tak adresa ljudi koji su tijekom dužeg razdoblja sudjelovali u našem radu. Primili smo 24 popunjena upitnika.

Hod po tankoj žici: artikuliranje antiratnog angažmana u Hrvatskoj ranih 1990-ih godina

Author(s): Bojan Bilić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Politički aktivizam može biti opasan pothvat za one koji u njemu sudjeluju i gotovo uvijek frustrira one protiv kojih je upravljen. Organiziranje proturatnih građanskih inicijativa i sudjelovanje u njima posebno je kompleksno u zajednici koja sebe percipira kao žrtvu oružane agresije. U takvim okolnostima, otpadnici dolaze u nesiguran položaj: svoju odanost društvu u kojem djeluju afirmiraju artikuliranjem jednog vrijednosnog sistema različitog od onoga koji je široko prihvaćen. Na početku ratova za jugoslavensko nasljeđe, kada je Jugoslavenska narodna armija pod vodstvom srpskih oficira počela granatirati Vukovar, hrvatski građanski aktivisti i aktivistkinje našli su se u takvoj situaciji. Kako su sukobi postajali intenzivniji i približavali se Zagrebu na manje od 50 kilometara, aktivisti su se suočili sa dilemom: kako javno izraziti svoje proturatne osjećaje i istodobno priznati pravo sunarodnjaka na oružanu samoobranu. Antiratna kampanja Hrvatske (ARKH), mreža proturatno orijentiranih pojedinaca i pojedinki, građanskih inicijativa i organizacija, proizašla je iz brojnih nastojanja aktivistkinja i aktivista da nađu pravi omjer između potrebe da se, s jedne strane, spriječi sveopću militarizaciju njihovog društva, a s druge, da se ne ospori legitimnost upotrebe oružja ili pribjegavanja vojnoj intervenciji.

Zločini nad djecom u Bosni i Hercegovini na primjerima Sarajeva, Mostara i Srebrenice (1992–1995)

Author(s): Zilha Mastalić-Košuta / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Numerous crimes against children were committed in the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992–1995). In this paper, the subject of research will be a review of crimes against children in Sarajevo, Mostar and Srebrenica. Numerous documents, data, statements, information, findings and numerous verdicts of convicted war criminals before the ICTY and before domestic courts testify to the crimes committed in these three cities. The mass and manner of committing crimes against children in Sarajevo, Mostar and Srebrenica, as examples of crimes against children throughout the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, prove that the aggressors did not have a sensitivity to the youngest and most protected category of civilians.

Kontinuitet ovisnosti naučne teorije i prakse za uspješno istraživanje genocida u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Omer Gabela,Edin Malkić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

The biggest and most serious crime is the crime of genocide. Precisely because of the severity and complexity of genocide, as a social and security phenomenon, its research must be approached with special care and with the application of scientific theoretical and methodological procedures and concepts. In that way, modern scientific-theoretical knowledge and insights based on their concretization are obtained in empirical research of the crime of genocide. Namely, only through a continuous combination of scientific theory and practice we can gain valid and adequate knowledge about the crime of genocide, its essential characteristics manifested through various forms and methods of execution. If there is a dysfunctionality of the combination of scientific theory and practice, it will inevitably affect the results of research, regardless of the type of research, whether it is scientific, professional-methodical or specifically operational research. In order for such phenomena not to occur, it is necessary to critically and in-depth consider the previous theoretical-empirical research in order to understand the stated problems and overcome possible problems that may arise because the practice does not follow the theory. On the other hand, the interdependence and interdependence of theory and practice is not easy to see. If the separation from each other is real, spatial and temporal, then there is no unity between them, which leaves a trace on the success of the research and the results obtained on the actual scale of the crime of genocide.

Osmanli Toplumu Son Döneminde Kadın Dergileri ve Feminist Uyanış Feminist Awakening Through

Author(s): Zeynep Banu Dalaman / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Although the development of the women's movement in Ottoman society was different from that in Western countries, it is a fact that they were affected by the women's movement and publications that developed in the West. As a result of the liberation of the press, communication and transportation opportunities that started with the Tanzimat era, the Ottoman intellectual was able to follow the developments in Europe closely. This follow-up broadened the horizons of literate Ottoman women by providing close monitoring of western women's organizations and women's media. Ottoman men also supported the women's movement that flourished in the Ottoman Empire, sometimes by opposing the modernist protectionist discourse, and sometimes by including women writers in their publications. In this study, the formation of Ottoman feminism is examined based on Ottoman women's magazines published in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and the writings of Ottoman male intellectuals of the period. The work in which feminist theory of history forms the theoretical framework of the historical process of the emergence of feminism in the world and its debate in Ottoman society, and argues that the roots of the discussions on feminism lie in the late Ottoman women's publications and associations, and extend to the struggle they waged with Ottoman men. It produces a discourse contrary to the expression of women's movements and feminism identified with the Republican period. Archive work was carried out and discussions over the concept of “feminism” were analyzed in Ottoman journals published between 1908-1920.

ULOGA TREĆEG ZASJEDANJA ZAVNOBIH-A U RAZVOJU KULTURNE POLITIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE

Author(s): Sarina Bakić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

Regardless of how we perceive and understand culture, as a system of symbolic meanings, power relations, relations among various concepts, as system of values and validations, culture always represents a tool for articulation of relations among individuals and social groups. In this context, cultural politic is shaped upon the borderline between politics and culture and their mutual influence on all aspects of social life. According to Doknić, state through its ideological and political apparatuses as politically and educationally affirmative content interiorize it in living and working environment and entirely decide about each percent on financial support for culture (Doknić, 2013: 329). In this way, as it is the case with cultural politics in this specific historical period, culture becomes unavoidable factor of entire society’s transformation, planned within the cultural politics system aimed to direct, improve and coordinate limitless cultural space (ibid). Cultural politics as intentional and planned state intervention in the cultural domain, become enormously important part of entire development and positioning of one country. That is why we can claim with certainty that the role of the third assembly of ZAVNOBiH (National Anti-Fascist Council of the People’s Liberation of Bosnia and Herzegovina) is very noteworthy concerning development of cultural politics in Bosnia and Herzegovina. These are ‘pioneers’ steps’ in creating the flow of cultural life in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s society in this particular historical context. This is specifically related to establishment of cultural institutions, which exist today as well and whose universal and humanistic values and aims remain unchangeable. These institutions still nurture art and cultural literacy and reading in this very turbulent and challengeable times we are living in.

Interpretativne aporije bosanskohercegovačke historiografije

Author(s): Srećko M. Džaja / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

Auf den bisherigen Konferenzen in Sarajevo über das Thema Bosnien-Herzegowina in der Geschichtsschreibung wurden nicht nur zahlreiche case studies vorgelegt, sondern auch Bosnien-Herzegowina als eine historische Ganzheit behandelt. Die nationalen Narrative der Bosniaken, Kroaten und Serben schlugen dabei untereinander konträre Wege ein. Die bosniakischen Interpreten der bosnischen Geschichte sprechen gerne von der Staatlichkeit Bosnien-Herzegowinas sowie seiner historischen Identität im Singular. Dabei widmen sie mehr Aufmerksamkeit jenen Aspekten, welche allen bosnisch-herzegowinischen Bewohnern gemeinsam sein sollten; die gegenseitigen Unterschiede finden sie dagegen gering und interpretieren diese als sekundäre bzw. wenig bedeutsame Erscheinungen. In dem serbischen nationalen Narrativ ist, ganz im Gegenteil, Bosnien-Herzegowina keine historische Ganzheit für sich, sondern nur ein Bestandteil des serbischen politischen und kulturellen Raumes bzw. bloß eines der serbischen historischen Länder. Der serbischen Auffassung ähnlich ist Bosnien-Herzegowina auch im kroatischen nationalen Narrativ positioniert, selbstverständlich mit kroatischen politischen und kulturellen Merkmalen. Allerdings hat die kroatische Inanspruchnahme Bosnien-Herzegowinas als ein kroatisches historisches Land inzwischen an der Resolutheit verloren. Dies geschah unter dem Druck historischer Ereignisse, durch die das kroatische Element hohe zahlenmäßige Verluste einbüßte. Außerdem kompliziert sich der Status der bosnisch-hezegowinischen Kroaten durch ihre doppelte Identität: einmal durch das Bewußtsein von Bosnien-Herzegowina als eigene ursprüngliche Heimat – belegt im Schrifttum der bosnischen Franziskaner vom Mittelalter bis heute – und, zum zweiten, durch die Zugehörigkeit zum kroatischen Kulturkreis. Diese Dualität dürfte eine Folge der 400-jährigen osmanischen Eroberungs-, Siedlungs- und Religionspolitik sein.