"Boga hvaliti, puk sabirati, mrtve oplakivati"

Katoličko zvono sa sahat-kule u Foči u sjeveroistočnoj Hercegovini*

Author(s): Ante Škegro / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 2/2016

From all the lands that they ran over with the hooves of their horses, the Ottomans took not merely slaves, but everything they possibly could. Particular targets for their conquering and looting raids were Christian institutions and churches, where they plundered everything they could carry, even including bells from bell towers. Regardless of the reliefs of Christ on the Cross, the Virgin Mary, saints, and inscriptions that often decorated them, they placed them in their clock towers, if they did not melt them down for cannons and ammunition. First they removed the clapper, instead using metal hammers to strike the outside surface of the bell and mark time, in this manner calling the Islamic faithful to prayer.

"Continuities and discontinuities. Educational program of The Planned Parenthood Association in Krakow (1957 – 1993)"

Author(s): Barbara Klich-Kluczewska / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2014

The article presents the program of sexual education prepared and offered by Krakow Branch of the Planned Parenthood Association in the wider context of socio-political situation in Krakow (1956 – 1989). Since the beginning of the Association’s existence, the special attention was paid to the development of educational program, which concerned the different aspects of „family life“. The article is going to answer the questions about its goals, the educational tools used to achieve them and its social targets. To accurately determine the position of the Association in the city‘s community I will analyse its foundation and activities in wider context of the pre-war traditions of the organisation and the activities regarding premarital counselling undertaken by the Krakow Catholic Church.

"İstenmeyen Rumlar": Odessa Ve Kırım’dan Yunanistan'a Göç Hareketleri, 1919

Author(s): Gürhan Yellice / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 57/2018

Shortly after the October Revolution of 1917, a civil war broke out in Russia between the Bolsheviks and the Tsarists, a war that lasted almost three years. The winners of the First World War, worried about a potential global revolution in the event of a Bolshevik victory, decided to send troops to Odessa and Crimea at the end of 1918 to support the Tsarists. For this purpose, they asked for help from Greece. The Greek Prime Minister Venizelos, who strongly desired full support from Britain and France for his plans concerning Izmir at the Paris Peace Conference, reluctantly agreed to help. Thus, French and Greek troops, at the end of 1918 and at the beginning 1919 respectively, were sent to the region. Nevertheless, shortly thereafter the operation ended in smoke, with the total withdrawal of the troops. Although the operation failed, Venizelos managed to gain the support of Britain and France at the Paris Peace Conference. This decision however, marked the beginning of a disastrous process for the Greek populations living in Odessa and Crimea. As an act of retaliation for Greek involvement, the Bolsheviks began to implement a policy of oppression and forced a violent displacement of the existing Greek element. Beginning in March and continuing intensively in April and May, this started a wave of immigration towards Greece which led to a serious crisis on the Greek political scene, right on the eve of the Greek army’s expedition to Izmir. Venizelos tried very hard to direct this immigration to a region other than Greece, locating it specifically in Istanbul, Trabzon and Izmir. The purpose of this study is to evaluate the above mentioned process and its effects on the Greek political life of that period. The study is mainly based on the Greek and British Foreign Ministry Archives, British and Greek newspapers and English sources.

"La buona figliuola" Carla Goldoniego a "Czekina albo cnotliwa panienka" Wojciecha Bogusławskiego

Author(s): Edyta Grzywaczewska / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 2/2015

„La buona figliuola” („The Accomplish’d Maid”) is an opera buffa in three acts by Niccolò Piccinni and Carlo Goldoni. The librettist based his text on Samuel Richardson’s novel „Pamela, or Virtue Rewarded”. It was performed for the first time at the Teatro delle Dame, Rome on 6th February 1760 with an all male cast. It was a big success and „La buona figliuola” took Europe by storm. Every European opera house had this opera in its repertoire. The performances were in: Barcelona, Prague, Vien, Dresden, London, Berlin, Mannheim and Paris. This opera was probably performed even in Beijing by Jesuits in 1778. „La buona figliuola” was so popular in Europe that Stanisław August Poniatowski, the King of Poland, wished it for his coronation ceremony. The performance took place at the National Theatre on 7th August 1765, just five years after the world premiere. This opera was also very popular in Warsaw. People loved the story of a simple and good maid Cecchina. Seventeen years later, Wojciech Bogusławski, the director of the National Theater, translated and adapted Goldoni’s opera and named it „Czekina albo cnotliwa panienka” („Czekina or a Virtuous Maid”). He performed it in 1782 with big success. First of all, the article describes the historical context of the creation of libretto – the Carlo Goldoni’s biography. Next, it presents the story of maid Cecchina and the phenomenon of the description of the Polish theories of translation from the 18th century, the Polish version of the opera – „Czekina or a Virtuous Maid”, is presented. Finally, two versions of the libretto – the Goldoni’s and the Bogusławski’s, are compared.

"Mi magyar dolgozók mindig Benne bíztunk"

Két jelképes temetés a személyi kultusz idején

Author(s): Ilona, L. Juhász / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 1/2017

Joseph­ V.­ Stalin,­ Soviet­ Prime­ Minister­ and­ General­ Secretary­ of­ the­ Central Committee­ of­ the­ Communist­ Party­ of­ the­ Soviet­ Union­ died­ on­ 5­ March­ 1953. Nine­ days­ later­ he­ was­ followed­ by­ Klement­ Gottwald,­ the­ first­ Czechoslovak worker-president,­head­ of­ the Czechoslovak­ Communist­ Party.­ On­ the­ days­ when the­ funerals­ of­ the­ two­ leading­ politicians­ were­ taking­ place,­ symbolic­ funerals were­ held­ on­ the­ command­ of­ the­ Communist­ Party­ in­ the­ municipalities­ of Czechoslovakia­ as­ well.­ This­ study—based­ mainly­ on­ a­ recent­ collection­ carried out­ in­ the­ municipalities­ Dolné­ Saliby,­ Horné­ Saliby­ and­ Rudná,­ and­ on­ the contemporary­ press­ coverage—recalls­ how­ the­ national­ mourning­ manifested itself­ in­ the­ municipalities­ and­ what­ externals­ characterized­ the­ two­ symbolic funerals.­ It­ touches­ upon,­ inter­ alia,­ the­ “spontaneously”­ written­ letters­ published in­ the­ contemporary­ press,­ examines­ the­ memories­ of­ the­ informants­ on­ the contemporary­ events­ and­ shows­ what­ information­ was­ recorded­ in­ the­ chronicles of­ the­ three­ examined­ villages­ on­ those­ days.

"Nowe" perspektywy dla Europy

Author(s): Jürgen Habermas / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 764/2019

"Profesorowie, którzy nie kształtują światopoglądu marksistowskiego, a wzdychają do dawnych czasów”. Epizod z dziejów polskiego szkolnictwa wyższego w okresie stalinowskim na przykładzie lubelskiego UMCS

Author(s): Marcin Kruszynski / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 1/2015

The Stalinist period in Poland was the time of the strongest attempts by the communists to form a new sort of intellectual, in fact, their own intellectual. One who would not independently ‘understand the nature of things,’ but would do so with obedience, pursuant to the will and demands of the party. This metamorphosis, controlled from the top and executed according to the Soviet model, required a desacralization of the ethos of the intellectual whilst, in the stricte academic world - a transformation of universities from the ‘sacrum of knowledge’ into a producer of professionals/specialists. In addition, there appeared the necessity to exchange places in the master-student system, when the latter became the leader, initiating the academic system of a classless society. In practice, this meant a fierce attack on the pre-war academic staff, who were distrustful towards those in power. Young assistants/deputy assistants of a proper social origin (workers or peasants), entering universities by way of educational shortcuts like, for example, Preparatory Study, without a feeling of impropriety or of breaking age-old rules, destroyed the existing academos. They did not feel uncomfortable when breaking the rules since they were intruders in an area which, under normal conditions, they would never have entered. All thesephenomena, as a case study, were portrayed in the example of Maria Skłodowska-CurieUniversity. The significance of that university is that it was founded by a decree of the PolishCommittee of National Liberation and, in that sense, it had at least a symbolic obligation to identify itself with the political system of that time. Such an approach – a case study – also provides an opportunity to take a closer look at the mentality of those who destroyed the old order, the new ‘fierce’ ones who had risen socially in an unprecedented manner.

"Rabovačky" v závere prvej svetovej vojny a ich ohlas na medzivojnovom Slovensku

Author(s): Miloslav Szabó / Language(s): Slovak / Issue: 2/2015

In the last days of the First World War soldiers returning home, along with civilians, attacked representatives of the Hungarian state and wealthy individuals, especially Jews. They expelled them from their homes and looted them, or they simply destroyed their property. In some places regular Hungarian troops executed the leaders of these rioters. This study seeks to offer an alternative to the prevailing interpretation of the looting, which emphasize the social or ethnic motivations of the economically and nationally oppressed Slovak rioters. Instead, it examines the reversal of the perpetrators and victims that was carried out not only immediately after the looting had occurred, but repeatedly throughout the whole interwar period. This is to be seen as an expression of the growing anti-Semitism, because the Jews were ultimately accused of the murder of allegedly innocent Slovaks.

"Sve što smo imali, sve što smo bili, svelo se na uspomene". Osobne Pripovijesti i pisma prognanika iz istočne Slavonije

Author(s): Irena Plejic / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 15/1992

Based on three personal narratives and three letters of refugees from war struck regions of Croatia, the author investigates how such accounts can be approached as ethnographic data, the structure and contents of these accounts reveal that the war and refugee experience have influenced the way the refugees see themselves and think about certain core values of their culture. The author brings some insightful observations about the war as a period of reversed order, about gradual transformation of the cosmopolitan attitude of the inhabitants of Vukovar, about photographs and other mementos saved from the family house, which is seen as an irreplaceable determinant of the identity of the refugees, and finally, about the iconography of the refugees' current living quartos.

"Takvoga bogatstva oni nisu vidjeli"

Author(s): Marina Škrabalo,Tea Trkulja / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 15/1992

Transcribed personal narratives of two refugees from central (a Serb from Banija, male, about 60 years old), and eastern Croatia (a Croat from eastern Slavonia, female, about 60 years old) are treated in this text as ethnographic data. The authors have arranged their accounts in contrastive pairs which relate their attitudes, notions and commentaries about the beginning of the war in Croatia, about encounters with different armies (Yugoslav national army, Croatian army, etc.), about the transformation of daily life in war situation, about the things which the refugees thought were important to take when leaving their homes and about their return.

"Trzeba umieć sobie radzić"

Author(s): Olga Drenda / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 672/2018

Polska w latach 90. przeżywała uwiedzenie karykaturalnym z dzisiejszej perspektywy światem wielkiego biznesu, uosabianym przez okładki poradników dla przyszłych milionerów: eleganci w doskonale skrojonych garniturach podskakują z entuzjazmem przed siedzibą giełdy.

"Ukrainian revolution" – is the scientific object or source of mythmaking

Author(s): Volodymyr Kyrychenko / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2018

It has passed the century since the revolutionary events of 1917, which radically changed thehistorical fate of the Russian Empire and the peoples that were part of it. Anniversaries are provides anopportunity both for fresh rethinking hundred-year-old events, and for summarizing the results of theresearches of the phenomenon revolution as a subject. The Decree of the President of Ukraine is ordered tohonor the traditions of the struggle for the independence and unity of Ukraine and the military victory of thedefenders of the native land, the creators of national statehood, the millennial history of the state formation ofour people, the recognition of the historical significance of events associated with the liberation struggle of thebeginning of the XX century and the establishment of Ukrainian statehood.The word "revolution" has integrated into Ukrainian reality with vigour, because Khmelnitchina is alreadyconsidered today by many domestic researchers mainly in the context of the revolutionary paradigm. There isthen the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-1921, which we celebrate today. Then finally followed by a string ofrecent colored revolutions completing this revolutionary movement. There is a powerful populist taste,however, with the objective perception of this "revolutionary series". Populism is an instrument of politics, andit is simply impossible in State affairs without it, besides it falls on the fertile ground of mythological thinking.The modern era has demonstrated the inseparability of myth from society. The modern myth has begun to beperceived in a negative context as far-fetched, erroneous, conditional, fantastic, moreover, it has emerged as apolicy instrument. A political idea generates a political mythology which establishes the contact between thosewho govern and those governed. Turning into symbols, they create a symbolic space in politics, in which typesof decision-making can be realized, for which mythology becomes the most important element of this process.Modern historiography devoted to the phenomenon of revolution, is represented by dozens of contradictoryauthor's approaches, which differ from each other, first of all, its attitudinal dimension. Not only thefundamental indicators of the revolution are being debated: chronology and periodization, causes andpreconditions, character, driving forces, etc., the question of the very concept of revolution is in question. Thetheoretical views on the phenomenon of revolution with their division into methodological approaches, fromMarxist to synergetic, focusing on the search for objective truths, based on a solid source ground and adequatemethods of scientific cognition are analyzed in the article. However, the efforts of Ukrainian experts to studythe phenomenon of revolution cause many questions and criticism. Of particular concern in this sense is thepoint of view of the leading experts, whose position becomes almost official and is contained in textbooks,encyclopedias, and is being widely used. Obviously, the Soviet past has created a powerful myth about thephenomenon of revolution, made it as the value of top level it in the public consciousness. Even a largenumber of scholars are convinced that it is only way to reach new quality and radical social change. In fact,today there are scientific-research which refute the myth of the modernization significance of revolutions. It isnot revolutions, but radical reforms accelerate the development of the state in an unfriendly environment, whenthere is a need to defend the independence or to catch up with someone or even overtake.

"Vráťme si mesto!" Prejavy nespokojnosti "mestského občana" v politickom diskurze v Prešove 1918 - 1938

Author(s): Veronika Szeghy-Gayer / Language(s): Slovak / Issue: 2/2015

The paper aims to provide an analysis of the politics of two local interest groups of Prešov, the so-called city parties, as specific forms of middle class dissatisfaction in the interwar period. Based on contemporary election results and archival sources, the first part of the study examines the political behaviour of the inhabitants of Prešov between 1920 and 1935, which helps to determine to what extent the city parties were popular among the multilingual and multi-religious voters. The second part investigates the social composition and the political discourse of the city parties. These local political groups were supported by 10-12% of the voters. Most of their followers were organized among the liberal middle classes, who were not able to identity with the politics of the big parliamentary parties. Their members defined themselves mainly against the Communist and Catholic movement. However, they also criticized the measures of the Czechoslovak government. And at the level of discourse they expressed dissatisfaction with the domestic policy of Czechoslovakia in the form of a virtual community of city burghers, regardless of their ethnic backgrounds. It is argued that because of the high percentage of Hungarian and Jewish intellectuals and entrepreneurs among the leaders and supporters of the local parties, this type of local politics might have been an alternative to the Jewish and Hungarian national politics at a local level.

"Zelené kádry" jako radikální alternativa pro venkov na západním Slovensku a ve středovýchodní Evropě 1917 - 1920

Author(s): Jakub Beneš / Language(s): Czech / Issue: 2/2015

This article explores the phenomenon of the ‘Green Cadres' at the end of the First World War in Austria-Hungary, with a focus on events in western Slovakia 1918-1920. The Green Cadres were bands of army deserters and radicalized peasants who hid in the forests and mountains of the monarchy during the last year of the war and then violently attempted to topple the social-political order in many localities as the state collapsed. The article suggests that they represented both the last major episode of peasant unrest in the region and a radical new attempt by the rural common people to influence the character of national and social politics in the interwar period. The nationalist dimension of this loose social movement appears to have been particularly strong in western Slovakia and may indicate some affiliation with the leaders of Slovak Catholic populism. On the other hand, the inability of nationalist elites to coopt the Green Cadres was in part responsible for their marginalization in narratives of Czechoslovak liberation as well as in contemporary historiography. On the basis of sources in Slovak, Czech, Slovenian, Serbo-Croatian, and German, this study argues that the Slovak case of the Green Cadres fits into a broader transnational phenomenon, which sheds new light on the history of East Central Europe in the twentieth century.

"Завръщането на събитието": приключенията на събитието в историографския и философския дискурс от 70-те години на XX в.

Author(s): Ádám Takács / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 1/2015

"Ковачница за мъже" или ... задължителната наборна казарма в представите на българина през Социализма

Author(s): Iliya Valev / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 2/2014

One widespread proverb in Bulgaria, knowing some different versions, says that “Man, who did not passed conscription is not a man”, “A boy, who failed to enter military service is second-hand man”, “A man, who has not walked as a soldier knows nothing”. What exactly is conscription according to public understanding of Bulgarians? What attitudes have the society to compulsory conscription? Frontier of what is the portal on the military unit? These and other issues related to conscription during socialism will be explored.

"Любовните наричания” на Петко Славейков

Author(s): Katya Staneva / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 2/2012

The article tackles the issue of pun structures used in love designations (denominations, namings) in Petko Slaveykov’s Anacreontic songs. They have been interpreted as an impulse for a new cultural identity, an accomplished Renaissance articulation of human passions, sympathy sought, joy and delight in everyday life, and thus they have secured P. Slaveykov – at the level of reception and by virtue of the popularity of songbook lyrics, the initial accrual of “literary assets”.

"Патриарху крымоведения" посвящается

Author(s): Mikhail M. Choref / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 2/2010

(De)formovanie vidieka v procese kolektivizácie

Author(s): Martina Fiamová / Language(s): Slovak / Issue: 1/2016

(Nie)bezpieczeństwo w rodzinie

Author(s): Anna Grabowiec / Language(s): English,Polish / Issue: 1/2016

Besides the fact that it seems obvious that the majority of the families involve people who love each other, still the researchers agree that the family is the place in which acts of violence unprecedented in other environments take place. They also claim that crimes within the family are some of the most common crimes committed. The UNICEF report concerning the death of children caused by domestic violence or drastic neglect shows Poland to be in the middle of the ranking of 28 developed countries. The report of the WHO shows that over 1/3 of women in the world are victims of violence and majority of them are attacked or harmed by their husbands or partners. This article is an attempt to show the complexity of the domestic violence problem. The author presents in it the forms of violence against children as well as adult family members. Special attention was paid to the very often ignored kind of victimization, namely the children being witnesses of violence between their parents or between other children in the family. The article shows the scale of the domestic violence problem in the light of the empirical research done in Poland and confronted with foreign research results. Special attention was also paid to the situation of a child experiencing violence from his/her relatives. The scale of consequences of the harmful behavior of the parentsis wide and their effects are long-lasting. The child’s aggressive environment provides models of behavior and ways of the instrumental usage of aggression. The victims of domestic violence very often became tormentors reaching for the kinds of behavior that caused them pain and humiliation.