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After the establishment of the Czechoslovak Republic aristocracy became one of the social classes that lost their political and economic influence. Behaviour of its members in the Slovak circumstances can be described by six model cases: escape and taking part in irredentism, fall between poor, social withdrawal, social openness and adaptation to the new regime, identification and service for the new regime and, finally, return after the initial escape. However, the idea of monarchism had a longer life then aristocracy itself. It was a alternative to the development of state for another 20 years.
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Hľadanie súvislostí medzi spoločenským prevratom (revolúciou) novembra 1989 a spoločenskými reformami roku 1968 nastoľuje toľko problémov a úvah, že si dovolím, aspoň v skratke, upozorniť len na niektoré. Možno si poviete, veď prvý už smeroval k demokracii či k novému spoločenskému systému, tie druhé sa odohrávali akosi len v rámci vtedajšieho socialistického systému. Obe sa však stali dominantnými medzníkmi slovenskej a českej spoločnosti druhej polovice 20. storočia a mali svoju vnútornú občiansku kontinuitu.
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Druhá polovica 19. storočia je charakterizovaná postupnou emancipáciou neurodzenej časti spoločnosti. Do popredia sa na úkor dovtedy dominantnej aristokracie postupne dostávajú občianske vrstvy, ktoré v liberalizujúcej sa Európe prekonali dovtedy nemysliteľný spoločenský vzostup. Výlučné postavenie aristokracie v Predlitavsku i Zalitavsku ohrozovali predovšetkým bohatí priemyselníci, ktorí si vďaka svojmu majetku mohli dovoliť kúpiť nielen šľachtický titul, ale i starobylé panské sídlo spolu s priľahlými pozemkami. Motiváciou bola spravidla snaha o napodobňovanie životného štýlu rodovej šľachty, keďže neraz tieto nehnuteľnosti kúpili i s pôvodným vnútorným zariadením a obývali ich so svojimi rodinami rovnako ako predošlí vlastníci.
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Dejiny ranonovovekých šľachtických rodov nepatrili v druhej polovici 20. storočia na území Strednej Európy – snáď s výnimkou Rakúska – k obľúbeným či podporovaným výskumným témam. V Maďarsku, na Slovensku, v Rakúsku, Chorvátsku či Rumunsku zachované archívy aristokratických rodov, ktoré zohrávali v živote Uhorského kráľovstva v 16.-18. storočí často rozhodujúcu úlohu, tak pred pádom železnej opony ani slovenskí, ani maďarskí historici nepodrobili systematickému výskumu. Zatiaľ čo od druhej polovice 19. storočia v priebehu takmer celého storočia bolo vydaných množstvo základných pramenných edícií a monografi í, vzťahujúcich sa na najdôležitejšie rody a ich predstaviteľov, od konca 40. rokov 20. storočia počas viac než troch desaťročí venovali aristokracii pozornosť takmer výlučne len historici hospodárskych dejín. Od polovice 80. rokov sa ľady pomaly prelomili a vzniklo niekoľko zásadných monografi í, zborníkov, výstavných katalógov či pramenných edícií. O jednotlivých osobnostiach (napríklad Alžbete Báthoryovej, Adamovi I. Batthyányovi, palatínoch Mikulášovi a Pavlovi Esterházyovcoch, Valentínovi Törökovi, Jurajovi a Mikulášovi Zrínyiovcoch, Tomášovi a Františkovi Nádasdyovcoch či Jurajovi Thurzovi) boli napísané obsiahlejšie monografi e v maďarskom, slovenskom, chorvátskom či nemeckom jazyku. Zaoberali sa v prvom rade dvorským životom aristokracie, ich mecénstvom, sobášnymi stratégiami, odievaním, stravovacími zvykmi či kniž- nou kultúrou, resp. peregrináciami.
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The article is consisted of several chapters, discussing the process of migration flows in northern parts of the newly established state of Yugoslavia after the Second World War. It gives historical outlook to the happenings in Vojvodina region considering migration flows of different ethnicities in Vojvodina, as well as two great colonization flows in Vojvodina, before and after the Second World War. The study covers the causes of migration flows, geographical origin of settlers and distribution of settlements where colonization took its greatest effect as well as the consequences of the colonization process. Due to the demographic losses of the civilian population during the War, as well as high emigration of German and Hungarian population from Vojvodina, the demographic and spatial discharge of Vojvodina is evident. In 1945, the Agrarian Reform Law was created that included the colonization act. Although there are various estimates of the settlers' numbers, which are presented in this article, the general claim with an overall certainty is that all the republics of former Yugoslavia managed to achieve the colonization quota until 1947. The total number of colonized settlements in Vojvodina was 114. According to the previous research, it is estimated that the full extent of colonization was about 220,652 persons, based on the colonists list from 1948. Arrival of the population from different Yugoslav states, from 1946-1948, resulted with a large demographic changes in Vojvodina region, considering intense changes in population numbers, ethnic composition, different social, economic, ethnographic and political changes. According to data presented, Slavic, mostly Serbian population, due to the colonization process, after Second World War consisted the half of total Vojvodina population. Certain regularities in settling process in Vojvodina during the colonization period were noted. In colonization of Srem County, the predominance of federal migrants from BiH and Croatia is evident, while in Bačka significant participation of settlers from BiH, Croatia and Montenegro is noted, with significantly lower rates of immigrants from Central Serbia. When it comes to the Banat County, a significant dominance of immigrants from Bosnia and Central Serbia is evident, with lower rates of immigrants from other republics. There was the dominance of certain ethnic groups in some areas and specific settlements, as settlers from close regions tend to be concentrated in one village. This colonization also had some benefits for rapid adaptation of settlers, because the grouping was set on a regional basis, and that later migrations followed the same pattern.
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The mutual perception of the Red Army soldiers and Serbian population in fall 1944 had far-reaching consequences. The people who came to the Balkans in the ranks of the Red Army in fall 1944 differed from the „pre-revolutionary Russians”. The slump in living standards of peasants and workers supplied in fact the Soviet state with the necessary means for developing the heavy industry and armaments production. During 1930s Russia was transformed from a semiagricultural country into a industrial giant able to produce more quality armament than the leading industrial powers of Europe. For many Red Army soldiers coming to the Balkans was the first opportunity to compare the life in capitalism with the achievements of the Communist system. Soldiers and officers represented relatively young population. Youth coupled with large wartime experience increased the self-assuredness and even self-assertiveness of the soldiers, and particularly of officers. Apart from their comparative youth, officers and soldiers of the Red Army shared common problems: fatigue, poor nourishment, problems with regular clothes and shoes. Trophies helped with solving these problems. It was not all about belts, sausages and typewriters. In the corps of general Zhdanov 65% of the means of non-combat transport were commandeered enemy cars. There were individual problems with immoral behaviour and pilfering, although their number was minimal compared to the general mass of the soldiers. Alcohol was the general problem. The Red Army soldiers knew next to nothing about Yugoslavia before coming to the Balkans. The sole exception was the propaganda message about the partisan movement and Tito transmitted in a few articles before crossing the Serbian border on the Danube. After a while a informal closeness developed between the Red Army soldiers and the partisans, which sometimes turned into collective drinking bouts. All Soviet participants in the combats in Yugoslavia remembered the forthcoming attitude on the part of the population. Perception of the Red Army soldiers by Yugoslav (Serbian) civilians and soldiers had another predispositions and was considerably different. From the materials at our disposal, a general conclusion can be drawn that Yugoslavs, and Serbs in the first place, felt a bit disappointed in USSSR and even in Russians after the Red Army had passed through their territory. Criminal or antisocial behaviour of some Red Army soldiers had to leave a bitter taste, even amidst great joy because of liberation from the German occupation. Partisan repression also contributed to that. However, it would be wrong to claim that the final Yugoslav, and above all Serbian, perception of the Soviet soldiers was just negative. The longawaited liberation and the meeting with the „Russians” couldn’t be completely marred by excesses of individuals and haughty and cautious behaviour of the Soviet officers. The material aid and military assistance lent by the Soviet state to the People’s Liberation Army in the last phase of the war also contributed to the creation of a more positive image of USSR, although occasional confusions and misunderstandings occurred here too. Joy to „see the back” of the Germans, mixed with positive feelings for the Russians and lack of knowledge about the character of the Communist regime, led to touching scenes.
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Considering the chronological framework of modern times and the so-called “long 19th century” with reference to the Balkans, the author comes to the conclusion that, for the Balkans, the 19th century was actually “short” and fit into 36 years - the period between the Congress of Berlin in 1878 and the beginning of World War I in 1914. History allotted quite a short period for the Balkans to pass their way back to Europe, from gaining independence to the “Europeanization” of all life aspects. Being very important for the history of the Balkans, this period has attracted the researchers’ interest and has led to the appearance of numerous scientific works devoted to this period.
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On the basis of long-term researches and detailed analysis of the Soviet and Yugoslav historiography, the author considers Russian revolutionary heritage of the second half of the 19th century and its influence on Russia and Serbia, concluding that the revolution in Russia in October 1917 should not be considered as a separate event. It is necessary to take into account the revolutionary ideas, modified and developed by many generations of Russian revolutionary intelligentsia. After all, these revolutionary ideas were embodied in the theory, which gave birth to the general model of the 20th century revolutions not only in Russia, but later in Yugoslavia as well.
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The article analyses the Serbian-Russian official relations on the eve and immediately after the February Revolution of 1917 on the basis of studying archival data and taking into account the Serbian and Russian historiography. Particular attention is paid to the attitude of Serbian official representatives in Russia to Tsar Nicholas II, on the eve and just after his overthrow. The aim of the article was to study the attitude of the Serbian elite and the Serbian state towards the February revolution in Russia in 1917.
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The paper deals with the picture of members of various peoples which would become national minorities in Yugoslavia after WWI: Albanians, Turks, Romanians, Vlachs, Magyars, Germans, Slovaks, Ruthenians and Jews. The author analyzes the works of the Serbian writers, historians and politicians who dealt with these nationalities, ascribing them various characteristics. He tries to establish continuities and discontinuities in the “picture of the others” before and after the creation of Yugoslavia and to explain why they came about. The Serbian authors saw Albanians and partly Hungarians too, as peoples with worst characteristics, ascribing to them at the same time predominantly Serb origin. Both were seen as latecomers. Albanians were seen as savages, and Magyars as a “patchwork of peoples”. The Romanians were above all credited with great assimilationist power, but were also labeled recent newcomers in Serbia and the Banat. So were Germans. They, together with Slovaks and Ruthenians were seen as hard working and thrifty, and therefore as an economic threat to Serbs. The Jews were usually depicted in the tradition of European Anti-Semitism, with an anti-Hungarian tinge, added after WWI. The animosity toward Turks cooled down already before WWI. Between the two world wars, they were even credited with some sympathetic traits – stemming from necessities of domestic and foreign policy.
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The period between the Battle of Kosovo (1389) and the formation of the eyelets of Buda (1541) and Temesvár (1552) was marked by the breakthrough of the Ottomans in the Danube region and their struggle with Serbia (until 1459) and Hungary to master this area. It is also the medieval period richest in sources for the study of social and economic history and historical geography of the Serbian Podunavlje and Posavina (the Danube and the Sava region). This paper presents a review of previous research on this issue, points out the main historical sources and problems that they put in front of researchers and presents the latest research results, in part resulting from the author’s research. The „land” (zemlja) in medieval Serbia was greater territorial and administrative unit, which included several župas (districts). In the area of northern Serbia, in Posavina, there was the “land” of Mačva, and in Podunavlje the “land” of Kučevo and Braničevo. More recent studies have defined the borders of specified areas and corrected earlier misconceptions about the propagation of the Hungarian government in northwestern Serbia in the late Middle Ages, caused by equalizing the Mačva “land” and the Hungarian Banat of Mačva (Macsó). The Hungarian Banat of Mačva was at that time confined to a narrow area next to the Sava with several fortresses and their districts. By change in the Hungarian-Serbian relations in the first half of 15th century, these regions were connected to the Serbian state until the Ottoman conquest in 1458/1459. Kučevo, which expanded between the rivers Velika Morava, Danube, Jasenica and the mountains of Avala and Kosmaj, was in administrative terms united with the “land” of Braničevo. However, during the 14th and the 15th century Kučevo survived as a particular geographical area. Comparing the data on settlements provided by Serbian charters with material from the Ottoman censuses – defters, one can get a picture of their continuity and discontinuity, which indirectly indicates depopulation during the warfare that led to the collapse of the Serbian state. Such research in the area of Braničevo shows that half of the villages of Braničevo completely lost their inhabitants during the Ottoman subjugation of Serbia. The comparison of the data of the medieval and Ottoman sources also showed a kind of continuity in economic centres – market places in the area of Braničevo. The Ottoman defters have shown that there were a large number of settlements in the Serbian Danube and the Sava region in the second half of the 15th and the first decades of the 16th century, but they were mostly small. Archaeological excavations provide valuable findings on the appearance of the settlements and way of life in the Danube and the Sava region. The Ottoman defters provide the insight into the economic structure in rural settlements during the second half of the 15th and early 16 century. The defters enable to obtain a relatively accurate picture of the proportional representation of crops in total production. On this basis, it may be noted that wheat was grown most of all the cereals (about 35%), followed by barley, rye, millet, oats. Among other crops, in addition to growing fruits and vegetables, followed by flax and hemp, vine was grown to a large extent.
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The article is focused on the region of Kosovo and Metohija in the beginning of the 20th century, or the time until the beginning of the Balkan wars, when most of this region still belonged to the Ottoman Empire. In addition to Kosovo and Metohija, Kosovo villayet included Sanjak (south-western part of central Serbia), the Preševo Valley, the north-eastern part of Montenegro, northern part of Albania and north-western part of Macedonia. The task of this paper is to using the existing population data show by now far less known facts about the changes in the number of population and quality of life under the Ottoman rule. Emphasis is placed on the ethnic transformation of population, which proved to be a very important process which affected the historical development of population of Kosovo and Metohija in general. Special attention is dedicated to the written traces of interethnic relations and relations with Turkish authorities. Work results were obtained through literature sources, using analytic and synthetic methods, and comparing. with this article the knowledge of the processes in the Balkans has been enriched.
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This article provides a historical and cultural analysis of the phenomenon of identity formation of the Russian people on the basis of study of agriculture as a historical-geographical factor which had a significant influence on the processes taking place in the Russian plain at the appointed chronological period.
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The development of Belgrade as the urban centre and the capital of Serbia is a process that is conditioned as by its specific geographical location so by the intensive historical events, and the consequences and impacts of the development refer to the urbanization of other settlements in Serbia. The urban planning is by nature turned primarily toward the future, but the knowledge, experience and lessons of the past can significantly contribute to better understanding of the real solutions, avoiding mistakes and a special dedication to a certain topics. Scenarios and strategies for future development must mitigate the extent of the determinateness, given the uncertainty and unpredictability as key determinants of life in this region. The problems of the city of the XIX and the XX century were also transferred in modern times, which speak of their complexity and the lack of will to seriously and fully commit to. In 1910, traveling the eastern countries, Le Corbusier wrote a few short notes about Belgrade, noting its „amazing position“, but describing it as an „indefinite and disorganized“. Building a city on this bases, we again re-evaluate its position and importance in the state and the region, the historical facts that led to the current look, growth and expansion, economic and demographic conditions, all with the aim to recognize its creative potentials.
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The longest street in Belgrade (7.5 km) that stretches from downtown, from Nikola Pasic Square to the road that leads to Veliki Mokri Lug, through four Belgrade municipalities, has changed its name several times. It was called Roman Via Militaris, then Constantinople road, Alley at the golden cannon, Marko’s Street, Fiseklija, King Aleksandar Obrenovic Street, Boulevard of the Liberation, Boulevard of the Revolution and King Aleksandar Boulevard. Name Boulevard of the Revolution was changed in 2002 to King Aleksandar Boulevard, but these days people have still used the old name (attached through film representation of life in this street in the end of the 20th century) or a shortened Boulevard. It’s quite difficult for people to get used to the new name. Historical and geographical characteristics are relating to the identity of the boulevard before the World War II, after the World War II, during the 90’s of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century. Except identifying and explaining the main historical and geographical characteristics, objective of the study is to reach deeper into symbolism of meaning of the famous boulevard identity. To achieve this, we chose case study of plane trees cutting in 2010. The importance of public space, collective memory, belonging to the urban environment and public media discourse are going to be analysed in a variety of qualitative methods.
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