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While K. Marx, when it is about agrarian and rural, mostly dealt with the questions of commercial agriculture, like land rent, work force, etc, his associate F. Engels focused on social position, fate and role of peasantry in (past and expected) revolutions. In this paper we give a review of Engels’s views on peasantry, with an analysis and a critique. With his descriptions of the social position of the German, the French and the Russian peasantry, and of rural commune as one of the traditional institutions of rural society, Engels contributed to sociology. His claims that peasantry must disappear and that it is not capable to protect and promote their own interests, exert a significant influence upon the political practice in the socialist societies of the XX century.
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In order to understand social reforms regarding women’s rights in nineteenth century India, one needs to begin by taking a look at the ideas of “rule of law” and at the “rule of colonial difference”, which animated legislation initiatives in the field of gender and discrimination in colonial India.
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“Ni 20 godina nakon Ahmića ne znamo tko je zapovjedio masakr, gdje je bio politički um zločina i tko je to bio!” To je naslov teksta objavljenog 13. lipnja 2014. na hrvatskome internetskom portalu dnevno.hr., sedam dana nakon što se 6. lipnja 2014. u Hrvatsku vratio Dario Kordić, ratni potpredsjednik HDZ-a BiH, koji je 2004. pred Haaškim sudom pravomoćno osuđen na 25 godina zatvora zbog ratnih zločina počinjenih nad Muslimanima srednje Bosne 1993. godine. Među petstotinjak okupljenih koji su Kordića dočekali u zagrebačkoj zračnoj luci, bio je i sisački biskup Vlado Košić.
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In order to territorially expand and create a homogeneous demographic picture, “ethnic cleansing” and genocide against the non-Serb population of Podrinje was prepared first in academic, then in military circles, in our neighboring country of Serbia. The goal was to ethnically cleanse (brutally remove) the Bosniak population in every possible way from an area that covers at least fifty kilometers from the Drina River to the central part of Bosnu i Hercegovinu. The “ethnic cleansing” of that area from non-Serbs also had the intention of a “final showdown” with the undesirable, unpopular element, the remnants of the Turkish conqueror, as they labeled the Bosniak corps. Thus, the first aggressor strikes began on the eastern border and during April 1992, the entire Podrinje area was occupied, with great destruction, expulsions, imprisonment, terrorism and the cruelest crimes that reached their peak with the Srebrenica genocide. Permanent crimes and complete “ethnic cleansing” throughout the war period completely devastated the prewar demographic picture of the entire Bosnian Podrinje area. In this paper, we will analyze the causes, extent and consequences of the devastated demographic picture in 10 Podrinje municipalities, comparing the post-war census from 2013 with the pre-war census from 1991. Comparative analysis will show that war destruction, crimes, “ethnic cleansing” and genocide against Bosniaks in Srebrenica and other Podrinje municipalities caused large demographic, quantitative and qualitative changes in ethnic structure, gender, age, working age, education, culture and all other segments of life.
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In the literary field, the nineteenth century seems to be the ironic century by excellence. Maupassant's work uses irony as a societal and intimate point of view, as much as a technique. It acquires an holistic dimension and is transformed into philosophy. The novel Bel Ami synthesizes his ironic vision.
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The connotations of the term individualism have been debated many time throughout history, giving it a wide range of meanings, more vague or more precise, depending on those who use it - historians, writers, anthropologists, philosophers of social sciences, politics or political theorists. Each gave it its own meaning and thus integrated it into their work. The promoters of individualism have as their ultimate goal the individual goals and desires, in other words, individualism is the opposite of holism, collectivism, totalitarianism, which support the community objectives of society. The last part of the twentieth century was the period when neoclassical market policies began to dominate the globe. This was due to two series of major events: the crisis of the welfare state and the fall of communism. The triumphalist spirit of this age, present in works such as Francis Fukuyama's "The End of History and the Last Man" was the New Spirit of the New Age. The term individualism was the one that best captured this spirit better than any other.
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Războiul Ruso‑Turc din anii 1806‑1812 a adus, aşa cum se cunoaşte, importante schimbări în viaţa politică şi religioasă a Principatelor Române Moldova şi Valahia. Comunicarea noastră doreşte să îndrepte atenţia participanţilor către colaborarea a doi din protagoniştii acestor evenimente, anume mitropolitul Gavriil Bănulescu‑Bodoni şi generalul Alexandr Prozorovski, şi, în final, să propună câteve elemente noi referitoare la legătura lor cu oraşul nostru Galaţi.
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Ca urmare a anexării Basarabiei la Imperiul Rus (1812), în această zonă a început un proces de modificare a structurii etnice a populaţiei Basarabiei, proces ce a fost amplificat de autorităţile ţariste prin politica colonizării teritoriului obținut. Acţiunile date s‑au răsfrânt şi asupra evoluţiei demografice a elementului grec de pe teritoriul Basarabiei.
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U istraživačkoj studiji o etničkoj strukturi opština u Bosni i Hercegovini prema Popisu stanovništva 1991. i 2013. godine elaboriraju se promjene u demografskoj strukturi stanovništva koje su nastale od 1991. do 2013. godine. Posebna pažnja daje se promjeni etničke strukture stanovništva po Popisu stanovništva 2013. godine. Jedinica posmatranja promjene etničke strukture stanovništva jeste opština kao osnovna teritorijalna – samoupravna jedinica u kojoj žive stanovnici jedne zemlje. Komparacija etničke strukture opština po Popisu stanovništva 1991. sa etničkom strukturom po Popisu stanovništva 2013. je pokazala da je došlo do radikalne promjene etničke strukture u opštinama Bosne i Hercegovine. Prema Popisu stanovništva Bosne i Hercegovine 2013. godine dvije trećine opština imaju jednonacionalnu strukturu u postotku od 70% do 99%. Ovakve promjene etničke strukture uslovljene su politikom nasilnog etničkog čišćenja u vremenu rata i preovladavajućim uticajem etničkih stranaka u vršenju vlasti u postdejtonskom periodu. Etnička homogenizacija stanovništva ostvarena u vremenu rata 1992–1995. odvija se i u miru kao etnička teritorijalizacija. Etnička teritorijalizacija prostora ima svoju osnovu u etno-politikama jednonacionalnih stranaka. Usljed takvog društvenog kretanja na prostoru Bosne i Hercegovine oblikovana su područja s dovršenom etničkom teritorijalizacijom. Ona se javljaju u vidu Republike Srpske za Srbe, zatim u vidu pet kantona za Bošnjake: Tuzlanski, Unsko-sanski, Sarajevski, Zeničko-dobojski i Bosansko-podrinjski. Za hrvatski narod kao etnički teritorijalizirani prostor iskazuje se u: Zapadno-hercegovačkom, Hercegbosanskom i Posavskom kantonu. Višenacionalna struktura stanovništva održana je u gradu Mostaru, Distriktu Brčko i opštinama: Jajcu, Bosanskom Petrovcu, Vukosavlju, Jezeru, Donjem Žabaru, Gornjem Vakufu, Pelagićevu, Žepču i Busovači.
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Formativno: vrednovati aktivnost učenika/ca na času, učešće u diskusiji i doprinos timskom radu; Sumativno: vrednovati umijeće kritičkog promišljanja i sposobnost povezivanja sa ranije usvojenim znanjima.
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Autor prikazuje razvoj institucija obrazovanja i nauke, tj. naučno-istraživačkih institucija i zavoda koji su nastali nakon II svjetskog rata u BiH. Konstatira da je od značajnih institucija radio samo Zemaljski muzej a da su sve ostale istraživačke i analitičke institucije formirane nakon rata u periodu od 1945-1990. godine.
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This essay comparatively examines explanations of ZAVNOBIH subject in between 1995 – 2017. From the end of War in Bosnia and Herzegovina until today the policy of media in Bosnia has dual and politically coordinated reporting. The powerful interference of international community into media field, was heading more towards establishment of free media and the prevention of hateful speech, rather than to preclude the creation of ethnonational “free” media that were used to empower ethnic separations. Consequently, reporting on this topic is often divided into media outlets, according to which ethnic group the media belongs to. The result is a sharply divided public discourse, in general, about the ZAVNOBIH in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This article critically analyzes the ways in which ZAVNOBIH is written in the daily news papers. The analysis generaly is divided into two parts, in the first, examples of a neutral and / or objective speech on the ZAVNOBIH are shown, and the other ones are the clauses containing negative context of open attempt and shameless falsification of history, without objective approach. Here, the great estattentionis dedicated to propaganda against ZAVNOBIH, because in one part of local media, it is politically created and is the most common form of writing about this topic.
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„Pluralitatea” spațiului habsburgic1, pe care Moritz Csaky a definit-o ținînd seama atît de realitățile interne (etnice, lingvistice, culturale și politice) ale Imperiului, cît și de cele rezultate din îmbinarea pe acest teritoriu a unor tipuri extrem de diferite de civilizație europeană, a evoluat pe parcursul unei istorii proprii spre statutul de calitate „fizionomică” fundamentală a regiunii, calitate din care rezultă, paradoxal, tocmai marca sa unitară. Constituirea treptată, deși dificilă, a unui spațiu economic comun - în ciuda disparităților adînci dintre provinciile dezvoltate și subdezvoltate, ca și a relativei întîrzieri în procesul expansiunii capitaliste, cauzate, în comparație cu Anglia, Franța sau Prusia/ Germania, de o tipică imobilitate socio-politică - a facilitat în Europa Centrală un permanent schimb de mărfuri, oameni și idei, pe baza căruia s-a constituit aici cadrul diferențial al unui cuprinzător „spațiu social”. Trăsătura sa cea mai pregnantă ar consta în aceea că, în timp ce în statele naționale moderne, unde conceptul de „națiune” a căpătat concomitent și un sens uniformizant din punct de vedere social, societatea se fragmentează pe „verticală”, în categorii (clase) cu interese sociale și politice divergente, (precum în Germania de după 1871), în cazul nostru persistă un fragmentarism „orizontal”, de sorginte premodernă; pe fondul unui echilibru instabil dintre centralismul programatic al iosefinismului și presiunea particularismelor provinciale sau naționale, acesta se manifestă, fie în chip individual, fie la nivel colectiv, prin coexistența pluralistă a mai multor identități (sau loialități) și sub-identități.
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The aim of study is to analyze the İsmet İnönü era in Turkey during his tenure while concentrating on the challenges and shortcomings of democracy. The study will focus on various dimensions, including political restrictions, limitations on freedom of expression, one-party rule, electoral systems, socio-cultural factors as well as economic policies in order to offer a detailed examination of the complex dynamics which shaped the democratic landscape of Turkey of the time. Studying the mentioned dimensions is expected to uncover the factors which led to the inadequacy of democracy during the İnönü era and eventually to evaluate their implications for Turkey's democratic development, which on the one hand encompasses the succession from Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and the Republican People's Party's (CHP) dominant role and on the other hand emphasizes the consolidation of power and the challenges to political representation. Particularly, the analysis of electoral practices can provide insights into the limitations of democratic processes, such as restrictive laws, voter intimidation, and limited political pluralism. Moreover, the study will examine the impact of these challenges on democratic decision-making which would include but not limited to the centralization of power, the marginalization of opposition voices and their meanings for citizen participation. The study will also try to evaluate the restrictions on freedom of speech and the media landscape, discussing the limitations imposed on critical voices, media control, and its consequences on public discourse and democratic participation. In addition to these, the study is expected to assess the socio-cultural dynamics which would focus on İnönü's modernization policies and their impact on social transformation. The study will explore the tensions between traditional values and cultural constraints, too. This will be carried out by highlighting the challenges faced by less represented groups and the inclusiveness of the political system. The economic policies of the İnönü era, including the economic vision and development strategies will be scrutinized, with particular attention given to the socio-economic disparities and their effects on democratic participation as well as political power dynamics. Furthermore, the study will attempt to examine the international relations and foreign policy approach of İsmet İnönü. This examination will be through the consideration of the implications for democracy and Turkey's international standing. The influence of external factors on democracy in Turkey during the mentioned timeline will also be assessed. Finally, the study will be concluded with the evaluation of the legacy of the İnönü’s era, weighing the democratic gains and losses while drawing lessons for Turkey's democratic development and considering the implications for the post-İnönü era. This comprehensive analysis is expected to contribute to a nuanced understanding of the İsmet İnönü era's impact on democracy in Turkey which could highlight the complexities and challenges faced during his tenure. The critical examination of the various dimensions, the study will provide valuable insights for scholars, policymakers as well as for any expert who is interested in Turkey's democratic history and in the ongoing democratic journey.
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In this study, it was aimed to examine the causality relationship between female suicide rate, fertility rate, female unemployment rate, inflation and gross domestic product between 2000-2022 in Turkey. In the examination of stationarity, Augmented Dickey and Fuller (ADF), Phillips-Perron (PP), Kwiatkowsky-Philips-Schmidt-Shin (KPSS) and Dickey-Fuller generalized least squares, Zivot and Andrews one structural break test were used and Granger causality test was conducted to investigate the causality relationship. According to the results of ADF, PP and KPSS unit root tests, it was determined that all series were stationary at the first difference. A bi-directional causality relationship was found between female suicide rate and fertility rate, and unidirectional causality relationship was found from female unemployment rate to female suicide rate and fertility rate. On the other hand; it has been determined that female suicide rate, female unemployment rate and GDP per capita are the causes of inflation and there is a unidirectional causality relationship from these variables to inflation. According to Granger causality test results, there is no Granger causality relationship between female suicide rate and GDP per capita.
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This study will analyze the lifestyles of Sephardic women in the Turkish city of Istanbul from the 1930s through the 1980s collected via oral history interviews from a Centropa project by Sephardim from Istanbul. The interviews with Turkish Sephardic women in the Centropa interview database will be supported by research conducted in the Şalom Newspaper archives in Istanbul, the Turkish Official Journal archival database research, as well as historical and anthropological material search at libraries. As Sephardic Jews speak Judeo-Spanish, this study aims to shed light on Judeo-Spanish words used by Sephardic women on social activities, emphasizing the importance of the Judeo-Spanish language. Besides, this study also aims to analyze the societal roles of Sephardic women as professionals, their pastime activities, their culinary traditions, the historical information about their quarters’ surroundings, and the occupations that disappeared, underlining the importance of the reforms Atatürk brought to all the women living in Turkey as a way of history and culture education.
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The publication examines the use of personal seals during the Bulgarian National Revival in the Middle Rhodopes. The specificity in the graphic layout of the inscriptions on the stamps is shown. The spelling patterns of the anthroponyms are presented. The symbolism included in the inscriptions is described and characterized.
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Nobility from the territory of modern Slavonia played a significant role in wars against the Ottomans. As this essay will show, much of their activity was related to Banate of Jajce. Slavonian nobles, with their military units, fought in this area as well as occupied important offices related to the defence of Banate. Thus Franjo Berislavić Grabarski is referred to as Ban of Jajce in 1494 and 1499-1503, while his cousin Ivan held the same office 1511-1513. Another form of contribution to the defence of Jajce by Slavonian nobles was the fortification of towns and building of roads, as well as financial support to the expenses of wars and resistance to the Ottoman attack. This essay also draws the attention to other ways in which Slavonia participated in raising funds for the defence of Bosnia. For instance, around the turn of the sixteenth century bans of Jajce had the income of the abbey in Bijela at their disposal.
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The late medieval Pannonian territory along the borders of the Austrian lands as well as the Moravian and the Hungarian regions embraced a number of towns with different internal power and property structures. This paper investigates on a macro-level the closely interwoven dynamics between the authorities in urban spaces and their changing impact on property systems through examining the thirteenth- and seventeenth–century transformation of ownership relations in six neighbouring Austrian (Wiener Neustadt and Linz), Moravian (Olomouc and Jihlava) and Hungarian (Trnava and Sopron) towns. According to general master narratives, the (quasi-)independent towns in this region gradually lost their dominantly civic character and became – both in legal and spatial sense – realms of secular and ecclesiastical landlords. Challenging these concepts, this macro-analysis intends to show the much more complex and diverse phenomena produced by the conflicts of civic communities, territorial (secular and/or ecclesiastical) landlords and the nobility. Through a comparative spatial approach the presentation of ownership changes is to highlight the interplay between structures of power and property and to provide a better understanding of urban continuity and change in pre-modern western Pannonia.
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