Permanențe ale civilizației geto-dacice și daco-romane în structura societății medievale românești
Articolul prezintă permanențele civilizației geto-dacice și daco-romane în structura societății medievale românești.
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Articolul prezintă permanențele civilizației geto-dacice și daco-romane în structura societății medievale românești.
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Articolul prezintă evoluția mișcării muncitorești din bazinul carbonifer Comănești.
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From the anti-fascist, anti-revisionist and anti-war struggle of the working masses in the Bistrița valley
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Some data on the history of the salt mines and the labor movement in Tg. Ocna, until 1944
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The issue of national identity in Transylvania is commonly overwhelmed irrespective of the historical period traversed in treating different historical, religious, political documents or artistic-literary works. The political life in the 19th century in Transylvania was often intersected by the church's vision, all the more so since the church was a cohesion factor, as well as the affirmation of the Romanian nation, as Romanians did not have other institutions around to which the ethnic group is solidarity. Therefore, the establishment of the Romanian autonomous metropolitans in Transylvania marked the victory in expressing the identity of the nation and country of the Romanians of the lives of this historical region. The movement of emancipation of Transylvanian Romanians, the development of national consciousness will materialize in the events that marked the large union in 1918.
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Zwrot badaczy i czytelników w kierunku zwykłych ludzi – już nie stowarzyszeń czy ruchów politycznych, ale codzienności właśnie – jest elementem większej zmiany kulturowej, która zakłada zakwestionowanie roli elit, a także lekceważenie instytucji życia społecznego.
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Inteligencja przypomina sobie o ludziach upośledzonych ekonomicznie najczęściej wtedy, gdy jej przedstawiciele mają poczucie niesprawiedliwej społecznej deklasacji. Walczą za lud, gdy okazuje się na przykład, że na mieszkanie muszą zaciągać długoletni, beznadziejny kredyt.
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Book-Review: Rafał Matyja, Miejski grunt. 250 lat polskiej gry z nowoczesnością, Wydawnictwo Karakter, Warszawa 2021, 480 s. (Aleksandra Domańska)
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Public slaves were a special group of slaves. As a rule, their legal situation was analogous to private slaves. Hence, there are relatively few preserved sources of law regarding this slave group. There are relatively few Romanist studies regarding the legal situation of public slaves. A larger number of these studies appeared only in the second half of the 20th century. The subject of this study is to compare the legal and social status of both groups of slaves. The purpose is to show a different application of legal provisions depending on their suitability for public matters and the education of public slaves.
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This study presents the last years of the Joint Commission of the Pruth, the fifth international institution in the world. The introduction contains a comprehensive description of the history of the Commission from its inception to the beginning of the First World War. Founded in 1870, it ceased its activity in a unique context at the end of the war. At the beginning of the war, the navigable course of the Pruth belonged to Austria-Hungary, Romania and Russia. At the end of the war, the Pruth became an internal river of Romania, which became the successor state of Austria-Hungary and Russia in that matter. This determined the abolition of the Joint Commission of the Pruth by the unilateral decision of Romania. In Russia, statehood was disputed by several political and military factions, which led to chaos, and Austria-Hungary fell apart. The article presents the situation of the Commission during the period of Romania's neutrality, the suspension of the activity and the situation during the war. Was also analyzed the situation of Commission staff throughout the war, which was not without its ups and downs or personal dramas. It also describes the process of liquidating the Commission and transferring its assets to Romania.
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In this paper, the author presents the history of the Jewish diaspora in the period of 721 BC to 70 AD. There were both voluntary and involuntary diasporas. The author mentions the following diasporas from that period of time: the Assyrian, Babylonian, Egyptian and Roman diasporas.
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During the months of October–November 1918, under the conditions of Empires deep political crisis, Germans from Bukovina were aware of the need for the establishment of a national political body meant to defend the interests and rights of them. It was the German National Council, which was difficult task to defend national rights, political and economic interests of all Germans from Bukovina.Owing to the political situation, as well as the demographic reality in the province, representatives of the German National Council have joined the Romanian point of view, both in the Vienna Parliament, and political events that took place at the provincial level, and finally joined the resolution of 28 November 1918, the unconditional Union of Bukovina with Kingdom of Romania.
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As part of a larger project, in which we intend to highlight the aspects regarding the beginnings of the “professionalization of medicine” within the Romanian extra-Carpathian territory, the present paper rather proves an introductory character, meant to bring into light some information collected from the documents of the time, sometimes details, but which, in the first years of the fourth decade of the 19th century. Therefore, the aim of this short study is to emphasize some changes that can be noticed in the medical field during that period, changes that were meant for a better organization of the physicians’ activity and that of the entire medical staff (surgeons, pharmacists, midwives). Having in view the image as a whole, we can notice an evolution that has as a starting point the strategies and the objectives that accompanied the fight against the plague, evolution which determined, gradually, a shift in the paradigm of the inhabitants’ health care, making the transition from adopting urgent measures, from stage regulations, not all the times coherent, to shaping public politics regarding hygiene, sanitation and health care. And the physicians, regardless of the level they worked, whether we talk about chief physicians, or about the department physicians, or about the physicians from the cities, they often represented the dynamic element of this evolution
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Costache Negruzzi is a writer hard to introduce in ideological stencils: now liberal, now conservative, till the low limit of reactionarism; high clerk under Mihail Sturdza but demolator, through descendants, of his posterity; lover of peasant wisdom but disdainful of the same peasants that he considers lazy and drunkards; not mingling into the revolutionary agitations in Moldavia in 1848, but admirer (really?) of the revolution in Muntenia. A person that plays at both ideological sides and who eventually is not loved by anyone. A mixture of contradictions that might be explained by duplicity… Consequently, the peasant’s image in his writings is also fragmented. In his writings before 1848, his peasant resembles much with that of his colleagues of generation, that is the peasant is a true descendant of Roman ancestors, the Romanian by excellence. In his writings after 1850 though, the peasant acquire all the attributes from the conservative ideology: a poor being at the low limit of subsistence because of his laziness and drunkenness.
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This study observes the evolution of the Jewish question in Romania in late 19th century, in the context of the tensions present between Jews and Romanians in 1897. Our analysis focuses first on reconstructing the events from the perspective of the factors involved (the Jewish minority and their associations, the Romanian authorities, political leaders). Another objective would be to analyse the manner in which the events were reflected among the public opinion, depending on the channels of communicating used by the factors involved (publications, periodicals, conferences), as well as to identify the involvement of the Romanian society in the events that took place and its positioning in relation them. Last, but not last, this article tries a comparison between the various positions assumed by the members of the civil society and Romanian political class, depending on political orientation, ideological trends and personal options.
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In regard to the dynamics of social identity, each individual continuously receives wide, various and valuable information from his reference groups, and simultaneously promotes his/her image in all available media in order to obtain a feedback (how the others see him/her) which will, in the end, inform oneʼs own identity (how he/she sees him/herself). In the case of many formerpolitical deportees from the Moldovan Republic, their reintegration has been submit to a clause of social lack of credibility, due to the extreme character of their experience in the GULAG. The very hardships and adversity endured by the deportees have made it difficult for their more fortunate fellow citizens to believe that the horrible events had actually taken place. In order to heal itself, the social body would pretend not having known about its own misconduct, or having forgotten all about it. But the need for a true identity is strong in some individuals, therefore former persecuted keep fighting for their right to be now known and recognized for what they trully are: victims of the Soviet totalitarian system, and at the same time survivors and winners of decade-long individual, family or community battles against the same system. Their fight includes the ones who died along the strenuous journey. A group identity emerges: that of the former deportees, previously a muted category, now able to speak in a manner that compells the society to listen to their life stories. In respect of those reports, we try to analyse the various facets of the interaction between the former deportees and the Moldovan/Bessarabian society in which they still struggle to be reintegrated
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The dissonance between the perception of edictum de iniuriis quae servis fiunt on Ulpian’s and Gaius’ part is so significant that it can lead to a conclusion that a deed done to a slave – even if not always, what seems the most probable, certainly in most cases – qualified only as an insult harming the slave’s owner, whereas a would-be actio servi nomine was de facto not in use. As an infringement of a slave could additionally give rise to an owner’s entitlement to plead for damages according to the Aquilian regime, it seems that practical use of the edictal clause with regard to actio servi nomine, even if possible to take place at a certain level of legal development of the delict, was of minor importance. However, recognizing the main role of the edict in providing a modern and flexible basis for bringing praetorial actio iniuriarum suo nomine in a case of iniuria suffered through one’s slave, not limited to decemviral instances of os fractum and membrum ruptum, appears to be the most probable interpretation.
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The Securitate troops – created following a Soviet model, necessary for far-reaching actions, such as dislocating categories of persons, operations against armed resistance organisations, interventions in case of citizen uprising or for guarding the labour camps – activated from January 23, 1949, with personnel recruited by ideological criteria, to the detriment of professional ones. The “purity of files” – namely the “healthy” social origin and the inexistence of “anti-democratic” political history – represented the basic inclusion criteria for being hired and promoting within this establishment; failing to meet them would entail destitution. The indoctrination measures initiated by the party – i.e., the political-ideological training – could not compensate for the professional shortcomings, just as the difficulties and failures in repressing the resistance organisations in the mountains could not be solved by the various reorganisations of the troops initiated by the management of the MAI [Ministry of Internal Affairs]. Following the actions carried out against the resistance, the leaders of the Securitate troops sought to draft up standards regarding the specific activity of this structure, but the overwhelming ideological mark acted against professional criteria. Their lack of professionalism was apparent during their fights against partisans. Despite their superiority in terms of number, the failures of the Securitate troops were a commonplace.
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Nicolai Grămadă is the Bucovina historian from Chernivtsi who completes his intellectual training in two of the most important European cultural centers, in which the Romanian Academy founded two Romanian schools, Paris and Rome. Access tothe two schools was provided to the most deserving graduates of letters, history andarchitecture. Nicolai Grămadă was one of the only 7% beneficiaries of theapproximately 130 graduates of these institutions in the interwar period, who camefrom Chernivtsi. The works published by Nicolai Grămadă reflect the influence of the two schools. Nicolai Grămadă spent his time intensively researching inscriptions in Italian museums and libraries, but also established collaborative relationships withhis Romanian colleagues from other university centers.
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Last year, the ”Ovidius" University of Constanţa turns 30 years old. Iwitnessed the struggle for its establishment and then I was its student. And that's whyI owe this institution.In this communication I will present some unique and lesser known documentsfrom the first years of the University's existence. These are part of the Archive ofProf. dr. Gheorghe Dumitraşcu, senator of Constanţa, one of the founders of the”Ovidius” University of Constanţa.
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