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The 1980 strikes in the cities on the Baltic coast of Poland and the birth of Solidarity stirred thepublic opinion of the Western world regardless of political views. From this moment on untilthe end of the 1980s, the French Left (i.e. the political parties, the press and the trade unions representing this orientation) observed the Solidarity. The press provided up-to-date coverage of the developments and commented on French attitudes. The French trade unions CFDT and FO quickly became interested in establishing contacts with Solidarity, which acquired special importance during the Martial Law in Poland. In the period after 13th December 1981, for the ruling Socialist Party the situation might have been especially complicated because ministers from the French Communist Party were present in the government, and the reluctance of the PCF leaders towards Solidarity contributed to a governmental crisis. This period is still very vividly remembered in France.
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In the colonial era, the French Republic, which currently possesses thirteen overseas dependent territories, created an empire extending to every part of the globe. The present-day Overseas France comprises areas of various status and autonomy. The topic of the article are the French overseas departments and territories (DOM-TOM), which constitute an integral part of France and the European Union. The article presents the characteristics and evolution of the DOM-TOM local government. It defines the notions of department and overseas territory and explains differences between these two units and their metropolitan counterparts. It presents the genesis and shape of Overseas France, of which the DOM-TOM is the biggest component from the point of view of both territory and population. The article was based chiefly on Polish and French academic publications, as well as legal acts and statistics. Obviously, it provides only a general outline of the problem.
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The aim of the paper is to make an initial reconstruction and to undertake a preliminary analysis of the profound expedition of Japanese statesmen to the West (so called The Iwakura Mission) held in the second half of the nineteenth century. The basic purpose of The Iwakura Mission was to search for information and data (especially related to the shape of the legal and political system which would strengthen the Japanese state and society). The Iwakura Mission was a paradigmatic example not only for the next Japanese overseas expeditions, but also for the very similar embassies undertaken in the Middle Kingdom. The Author attempts to work out some preliminary findings necessary to propose more sophisticated set of hypotheses related to the processes of traveling as a source of knowledge on legal and political issues in the future. In this sense, the study of The Iwakura Mission is also a small contribution to developing both a socio-legal theory of inter-cultural transmission of legal knowledge and general theory of copying foreign laws.
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The archives of the communist party have kept letters to the power, representative of the way in which ordinary people related to a political regime that controlled their existence to the smallest degree: from private life to the norms of behaviour in a socialist society. At the end of 80s, the relationship between the leader of the communist party and Romanian society reached a critical point. There was the hope that after the repayment of the foreign debt, the internal situation was going to improve thanks to the abandonment of the programme of austerity and rationalisation. But this did not happen, the population being subjected continually to food shortages and excessive surveillance by the Securitate apparatus. Also influenced by the series of changes in the rest of the communist bloc, there emerged in Romanian society a state of expectation of the imminent collapse of the regime.
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The letter Olga Bancic had sent to her daughter a day before the execution represents a symbolically powerful document for both the French Communist Party and the communist international movement. The PCF's support for the French Resistance was essential during World War II while the main battles against the Nazi occupant had been fought by communists of a broader European extraction (Czechoslovakia, Poland, Romania, Italy,a.s.o).
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This is a review of the book America in the World. A History in Documents from the War with Spain tothe War on Terror, Edited by Jeffrey A.Engel, Mark Atwood Lawrence, and Andrew Preston, Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press,2014, 416 p.
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This study analyzes the electoral competition between the Romanian Left political movements – the social-democrats and the communists – during the interwar period. Using a large amount of statistical data, collected for the general elections which took place from 1926 until 1933, the author presents the influence of these two parties in their electoral strategies, the electoral dynamics of candidacies, the socio-professional profile of candidates.
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As economic crises deepens, Romania was confronted with a serious drought in 1982-1983, while productivity was low and the beginning of the five-year plan of 1981-1985 was highly unsatisfactory. Nicolae Ceauşescu insisted instead on strengthening control overproduction, working forces, economic management and offers as solution more drastic cuts in general consumption.
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The article traces and analyzes the reactions of the Bulgarian leader Todor Zhivkov and the Romanian leader Nicolae Ceausescu to the processes taking place in the USSR in the second half of the 1980s and their effect on the relations between Bulgaria and Romania.After Mikhail Gorbachev launched his policy of glasnost and perestroika, both of them felt threatened for their power position and made hard efforts to defend it. The Soviet factor got directly involved in Bulgarian-Romanian relations in the late 1980s and proved to be of far greater significance for the fate of both countries, ultimately bringing to the collapse of the socialist system in them.
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The study aims to explore the complex issue of justice in communist Romania. The research clarifies the main conceptual differences between the Soviet and the justice of liberal democracies. Are included details of the main stages of the dynamics of the justice system. The first part of the study focused on the main features of the justice system: the constitutional definition, civil and military justice, prosecutors, lawyers, Securitatea, Miliţia, notaries e.o. In the next part of the research the author analyzes the power relations within the justice system (judges – prosecutors – Securitate officers - lawyers).
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In order to better introduce the document I’ve chosen to publish, I largely explained the broader context which encompass the moment when it was written. Vanda Nicolski, a major leader of the Communist Party of Romania, a member of the Central Committee and of the Political Bureau during the ‘30s, wrote a large report in August 1938, when she was in Moscow. Clearly, her confession, written during the Great Terror, wasn’t an innocent piece of evidence scrutinizing the history of the C.P.o.R. per se, but it was meant to incriminate as many professional revolutionaries as possible. I tried to explain what stood behind of her statement. The contents exposed by Vanda Nicolski refers mostly to the complex and fluid relationships established into the inner circle of Party’s leaders and details what steps the C.P.o.R. took in order to meet the Comintern’s expectations during Popular Front era.
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The article investigates the emergence of creative class phenomenon in Russia and considers its role in a social and political situation of the end of the 20th — the beginning of the 21st century. It makes an attempt to analyse a problem of correlation of the concepts «intelligentsia» and «creative class», too.
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In the work based on micro-historical approach, the problem of adaptation of classical academic culture to the conditions of formation of the Soviet society is shown in daily occurrence of provincial higher education institution. The students being brought up on demolition of eras and breaking a way of life which had been settled by centuries, start the conflict with the scientific and pedagogical intelligentsia. Jealous upholding of the university foundations testifies the firmness of such ritual in higher education institution as lecture and proves presence of academic freedom in a provincial university in the years of civil war. The intelligentsia not only keeps the intrinsic lines independent of time, but also involves young generation.
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The first Russian translation of four letters of Erasmus and his English friend J. Kolet (1512—1513) is offered. Translators propose a number of new interpretations of the epistolary data, allowing to correct dating and chronology of events from the life of authors of messages. Materials of correspondence give the chance to plunge into everyday life of the Renaissance intelligentsia, to recreate an intellectual and social context in which great works of both respondents were carried out, to observe their characters and relationship.
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The article shows the influence of the concept of post-industrialism on the activity of the Soviet intelligentsia of the 1960-s — 1980-s, the social value of this concept is considered, various points of view are analyzed, the opinion of writers and scientists is given.
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The article investigates typical features of the Soviet society problems reflection in science fiction; it analyzes the works of the leading authors of the genre. The focuse is on such aspects as scientific and social forecasts in works of fiction. Noted are the features of science fiction as a specific way of reality reconsideration.
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The article shows factory inspectors as one of professional groups of intelligentsia of Russia at the end of the 19th century on the materials of the Vladimir province. Basing on research literature and archive records the article analyzes practical activities of factory inspection and the role of inspectors in public life.
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The article shows the process of the image formation of Sevastopol in Soviet authors pieces of music. Investigated is the role of representatives of the Soviet musical intelligentsia in preservation of cultural and historical memory of society. Distinguished is the variety of reasons, explaining gradual transformation of the Sevastopol image in the Soviet musical culture.
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