Najbolja slika oba rata
Kristofer Klark, „Najbolja slika oba rata“, intervju Nemanji Rujeviću, Vreme, Beograd, br. 1192, 7. novembar 2013.
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Kristofer Klark, „Najbolja slika oba rata“, intervju Nemanji Rujeviću, Vreme, Beograd, br. 1192, 7. novembar 2013.
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Istorija političkih ubistava, od Zevsovog svrgnuća oca mu Krona (prilično krvoločno i gadno ubistvo), Romulovog ubistva brata mu Rema, preko Brutovog uklanjanja Gaja Julija Cezara, do Gavrila Principa i Franca Ferdinanda, Zvezdana Jovanovića i Zorana Đinđića, ima istu konstantu: da li je ubica naprosto ubica, ili se njegov čin može opravdati u tolikoj meri da bude proglašen nacionalnim herojem? U svim političkim ubistvima na delu je žestoka borba za prvenstvo tumačenja, a ,,istinu“ čina najčešće ispisuju pobednici. Tumačenje po kojem je Gavrilo Princip pozitivan lik živelo je, iz jugoslovenske - dakle pobedničke - perspektive i manje-više neupitno, nekih sedamdesetak godina. A onda se sadašnjost promenila. Dramatično. Sa promenom sadašnjosti stekli su se uslovi i za promenu prošlosti. Jer, prošlost nikada nije ono što se naprosto dogodilo: prošlost je ono što se uvek iznova, tumačenjem, stvara iz sadašnjosti. Zbog toga je prošlost jednako neizvesna kao i budućnost. Za prošlost se valja izboriti. [...]
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Драгољуб Јовановић (Пирот, 1895 - Београд, 1977), научник, политичар, публициста. Основну школу је завршио у Пироту, а гимназију у Београду. Докторске студије завршио је у Паризу 1923. године са две дисертације „Les rendements optimums du travail ouvrier" и „Les stimulants du travail ouvier“. Ha Правном факултету y Београду изабран je 1924. за доцента, a 1926. за ванредног професора за економске науке. Залагао се за социјалну правду и решење сељачког питања. Због својих политичких убеђења, 1932. године осуђен је на издржавање затворске казне и отпуштен са универзитета. Један је од оснивача Групе за социјалну и културну акцију. Био је на челу левице Земљорадничке странке, a 1940. је основао Народну сељачку странку. Активно се ангажовао у борби против фашизма и у оснивању Антифашистичког фронта. Време окупације провео је углавном у Београду. После ослобођења земље 1945. године поново је постао професор на Правном факултету у Београду. Наставио је да се бави политиком и био је секретар Народног фронта Народне Републике Србије и посланик у Скупштини Србије. Залагао се за парламентарну демократију и вишепартијски систем. Био је одлучан противник комунистичке диктатуре и колективизације сеоског поседа. [...]
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During last decades, especially in the post- „Cold War“ era, social remembrance became an important field of study, particularly for sociology and anthropology. The author researches the use of „image and works“ of Gavrilo Princip in the political narratives in the territories of Former Yugoslavia over the last hundred years. His analysis stresses the impact of the change of social and political context as key for (re)defining and use of symbolic motif of Gavrilo Princip. The author highlights the fact that not only the remembrance of Gavrilo Princip in the Balkans has changed over the last hundred years, but his deeds have also been defined differently in different epochs, territories and ideologies, depending on the changes of the social context. Furthermore, the author concludes that society changed Princip’s identity from liberator to terrorist, from victim to murderer, from freedom fighter to henchmen over the last century. More significantly, such defining of Princip’s identity did not merely fit in with the current dominant ideology- often it has been used in either positive or negative context as a reflection of wider pro- or anti- Serbian, pro- or anti- European/ Austrian, Great Serbian or Yugoslav propaganda.
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Gotovo ceo svet osuđuje Nemačku i Nemce. O našoj krivici raspravlja se sa gnevom, užasnutošću, mržnjom i prezrenjem, zahtevaju se kazna i odmazda. U tome ne učestvuju samo pobednici, već i pojedini nemački emigranti, pa čak i građani neutralnih zemalja. Ima ljudi u Nemačkoj koji priznaju krivicu, uključujući i sopstvenu, ali i mnogih koji sebe smatraju nevinima i druge proglašavaju krivim. Razumljivo je hteti prenebregnuti ovo pitanje; živimo u krajnjoj nuždi, a veliki delovi našeg stanovništva nalaze se u tako elementarnoj nevolji, da bi se reklo da su postali neosetljivi na ovakva razglabanja. Njih zanima ono što im može olakšati patnju, doneti posao i parče hleba, krov nad glavom i ogrev. Horizont im je sužen. [...]
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The review of / Prikaz: Jelena Skerlić Ćorović, Život među ljudima, Akademska misao“, Novi Sad 2014.
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Autorizovano predavanje Venceslava Glišića o Mladoj Bosni, održano juna 2014. godine u Bosanskoj Gradiški u organizaciji Gradskog odbora Srpskog prosvjetnog i kultrunog društva „Prosvjeta“ Banja Luka.
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The review of / Prikaz: Ljubomir Zečević i Tamara Ćirić, Koncentracioni logor Mauthauzen – povratak nepoželjan, Udruženje zatočenika KL Mauthauzen, Beograd, 2015, str. 652.
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This paper is divided into two parts, this being the first one. The second is entitled ‘Historical and Epistemological Reflections on the Culture of Machines around Renaissance: Machines, Machineries and Perpetual Motion’ and will be published in Acta Baltica Historiae et Philosophiae Scientiarum in 2015. Based on our recent studies, we provide here a historical and epistemological feature on the role played by machines and machineries. Ours is an epistemological thesis based on a series of historical examples to show that the relations between theoretical science and the construction of machines cannot be taken for granted, a priori. Our analysis is mainly based on the culture of machines around 15th and 17th centuries, namely the epoch of Late Renaissance and Early Modern Age. For this is the period of scientific revolution and this age offers abundant interesting material for researches into the relations of theoretical science/construction of machines as well. However, to prove our epistemological thesis, we will also exploit examples of machines built in other historical periods. Particularly, a discussion concerning the relationship between science theory and the development of science art crafts produced by non-recognized scientists in a certain historical time is presented. The main questions are: when and why did the tension between science (physics, mathematics and geometry1) give rise to a new scientific approach to applied discipline such as studies on machines and machineries? What kind of science was used (if at all) for projecting machines and machineries? Was science at the time a necessary precondition to build a machine? In the first part we will focus on the difference between Aristotelian- Euclidean and Archimedean approaches and we will outline the heritage of these two different approaches in late medieval and Renaissance science. In the second part, we will apply our reconstructions to some historical and epistemological problems concerning the relations of science/technology/ constructions of machines. The problem of perpetual motion will play an important role in this context.
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The article deals with a little known participation of the army in the electoral campaign and the election to the Polish Sejm in 1957; it relates mainly to the units of the Polish Army under the command of the Ministry of National Defence, but also to the formations subordinates to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, that is the Frontier Defence Army and the Internal Security Corps. Soldiers were both the target audience of the propaganda content and voted in the elections, being at the same time an important factor in rallying actions conducted in cooperation with the local apparatus of the Polish United Workers’ Party. Another question was, however, the part played by the army in supporting the law enforcement services, with the Citizens Militia (the Police) at the head, responsible for ensuring peace and security during the electoral campaign and the election itself.
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Rafał (Raphael) Lemkin is currently the best–known Polish lawyer, whose name appears invariably as a point of departure for international discussions about genocide. He is the author of The German New Order in Poland and in 1944 published Axis Rule in Occupied Europe, containing the term: “genocide”. At the time of the Nuremberg Trial Lemkin acted as adviser to United States Supreme Court Justice Robert H. Jackson. Subsequently, he worked on devising an act of law that would define the principles of penalising the crime of genocide. On 9 December 1948 the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. In Poland the revival of interest in Lemkin has its positive and negative sides. The former undoubtedly include changing or rather initiating an alteration of a situation embarrassing or outright insulting for Poland, namely, when Polish–language versions of the above–mentioned books about the Axis occupation were not available and Lemkin was not mentioned in assorted studies. The latter aspect involves his sui generis sacralisation and elevation, hindering a critical discussion about his achievements, since such a debate could be interpreted as questioning them. This article endeavours to examine the conception of genocide from the viewpoint of an historian, and reflects on the extent to which it could become an instrument of historical analysis.
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The discussion about the events, which took place in Volhynia in 1943, includes a hypothesis presenting the anti–Polish outbreaks as an expression of a spontaneous revenge of the local Ukrainian peasants for the discrimination experienced at the time of the Second Republic. The author of the article based himself on unknown documents to demonstrate that in reality the mass–scale massacre of the Poles was organized by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists–Bandera (OUN–B) Underground and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) partisan units it commanded. The peasants participating in the events were mobilised (at least partly by force) to special auxiliary detachments, ordered by the Bandera–led superiors to set fire to Polish settlements and to kill their inhabitants. Both in Volhynia and in Galicia peasants were incorporated into groups attacking localities inhabited by the Poles, despite the fact that partisan forces sufficed to destroy them. The victims were cruelly murdered with axes and other tools so as to produce the impression among the observers that they were dealing with a local Jacquerie while in reality the massacre was a planned ethnic cleansing campaign. The idea to resolve the Polish–Ukrainian territorial controversy with the assistance of an ethnic purge had been devised by the OUN already prior to 1939. Initially, it was assumed that the future Ukrainian state would be devoid of all landowners and colonists who settled down in the conflict–ridden terrains after 1918, but in time the opinion calling for ”ejecting” the entire Polish population became increasingly popular. The population in question was to be murdered at least partly by the incited local peasants. At the beginning of 1943 UPA detachments commenced a battle against the Germans and Soviet partisans while simultaneously initiating the so–called anti–Polish campaign. The organised de–Polonisation operation, inaugurated on 9 February 1943 by attacking the village of Parośle in Volhynia, lasted until 18 May 1945 and claimed the lives of about 100 000 victims.
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At the turn of the 1940s daily life in Stalinist Poland disclosed a growing phenomenon known as hooliganism, reflected in the press propaganda and statements made by politicians and lawyers. In November 1951 this topic became omnipresent in public discourse and the activity of the administration of justice. The article intends to present the adjudication of the Special Commission to Combat Embezzlement and Economic Sabotage, pertaining to misdeeds regarded as hooliganism. In view of the fact that in the 1949–1955 period both propaganda and the adjudication of the administration of justice applied the term: ”hooliganism” in a wholly arbitrary manner by using general criteria, it became necessary to depict its interdisciplinary systemic dimension as well as the propaganda, political, and legal struggle waged against it. The above–mentioned methodological and factual operation was indispensable since without its analysis it would be difficult to describe the mechanisms of the penalisation of hooliganism by the Special Commission, which in 1951–1954 sentenced for this “crime” 10 684 persons to labour camps, and fined 1 580 perpetrators. The Special Commission adjudication concerning hooliganism encompassed an extensive gamut of conduct (misdemeanours) treated not only in legal categories but also in social and political ones. Their classification was determined by the context of the committed ”crime” or misdemeanour. The adjudication praxis of the Special Commission demonstrates that incriminated hooliganism could be divided according to an adjective criterion into: “political”, “social” and “class”, i.e. crimes against life, health and property.
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The presented text intends to describe breakthrough events and processes in the socio–political history of post–war Poland from the viewpoint of terrains located along the peripheries of the chief current of events of the period. The author wondered to what extent could the paradigm of universal resistance against the communist authorities be applied in regions situated outside the prime centres of contestation. In doing so, he transferred his reflections to the reality of the marital law period and the range of the former voivodeship of Sieradz. The point of departure for the ensuing deliberations is a depiction of the specificity of a totally agricultural area, only slightly urbanised, and with no structure of the pre–August opposition. Next, the author considered the period of the ”Solidarity Revolution” in those terrains, and, finally, concentrated his attention on analysing phenomena that can be regarded as a symptom of social resistance against the governance of the Military Council of National Salvation (WRON). The text ends with an attempt at a balance sheet of the described phenomena, conducted with the help of the social sciences, i.e. the conception of “group contestation”.
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The article focuses on the sessions of dietines (sejmiki, assemblies of the local nobility) convened in 1766. The author presents the preparations for the campaign of both the court and the opposition, and then – on the basis of instructions and letters describing the course of local gatherings – answers the question of which side was victorious at the dietines.
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In the second half of the 16th century the Przemyśl diocese witnessed a dispute of local nobility with the cathedral chapter concerning the retention of their episcopal tithe, known as the bishop’s share. That tithe, being the lump equivalent of the sheaf tithe from peasants’ fields, was granted to the chapter by bishops at the turn of the 14th and 15th centuries. During court cases, started in 1590, the nobles, using a variety of legal and historical arguments, as well as Protestant rhetoric, tried to question the chapter’s rights. After five years of the dispute, the Crown Tribunal decided that the church side was right. It was the last serious argument between local nobility and the Catholic Church over tithes in Red Ruthenia.
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Prikaz/The review of: Љубомир Петровић, Невидљиви гето. Инвалиди у Краљевини Југославији 1918-1941, Београд 2007, 341стр.
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Међународни научни скуп „Косово и Метохија у цивилизацијским токовима“, Косовска Митровица, 8–11. октобар 2009. године / International Conference, Kosovo and Metohija as a part of European Civilization, Kosovska Mitrovica, October 8-11th, 2009
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