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Rafał (Raphael) Lemkin is currently the best–known Polish lawyer, whose name appears invariably as a point of departure for international discussions about genocide. He is the author of The German New Order in Poland and in 1944 published Axis Rule in Occupied Europe, containing the term: “genocide”. At the time of the Nuremberg Trial Lemkin acted as adviser to United States Supreme Court Justice Robert H. Jackson. Subsequently, he worked on devising an act of law that would define the principles of penalising the crime of genocide. On 9 December 1948 the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. In Poland the revival of interest in Lemkin has its positive and negative sides. The former undoubtedly include changing or rather initiating an alteration of a situation embarrassing or outright insulting for Poland, namely, when Polish–language versions of the above–mentioned books about the Axis occupation were not available and Lemkin was not mentioned in assorted studies. The latter aspect involves his sui generis sacralisation and elevation, hindering a critical discussion about his achievements, since such a debate could be interpreted as questioning them. This article endeavours to examine the conception of genocide from the viewpoint of an historian, and reflects on the extent to which it could become an instrument of historical analysis.
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The discussion about the events, which took place in Volhynia in 1943, includes a hypothesis presenting the anti–Polish outbreaks as an expression of a spontaneous revenge of the local Ukrainian peasants for the discrimination experienced at the time of the Second Republic. The author of the article based himself on unknown documents to demonstrate that in reality the mass–scale massacre of the Poles was organized by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists–Bandera (OUN–B) Underground and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) partisan units it commanded. The peasants participating in the events were mobilised (at least partly by force) to special auxiliary detachments, ordered by the Bandera–led superiors to set fire to Polish settlements and to kill their inhabitants. Both in Volhynia and in Galicia peasants were incorporated into groups attacking localities inhabited by the Poles, despite the fact that partisan forces sufficed to destroy them. The victims were cruelly murdered with axes and other tools so as to produce the impression among the observers that they were dealing with a local Jacquerie while in reality the massacre was a planned ethnic cleansing campaign. The idea to resolve the Polish–Ukrainian territorial controversy with the assistance of an ethnic purge had been devised by the OUN already prior to 1939. Initially, it was assumed that the future Ukrainian state would be devoid of all landowners and colonists who settled down in the conflict–ridden terrains after 1918, but in time the opinion calling for ”ejecting” the entire Polish population became increasingly popular. The population in question was to be murdered at least partly by the incited local peasants. At the beginning of 1943 UPA detachments commenced a battle against the Germans and Soviet partisans while simultaneously initiating the so–called anti–Polish campaign. The organised de–Polonisation operation, inaugurated on 9 February 1943 by attacking the village of Parośle in Volhynia, lasted until 18 May 1945 and claimed the lives of about 100 000 victims.
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At the turn of the 1940s daily life in Stalinist Poland disclosed a growing phenomenon known as hooliganism, reflected in the press propaganda and statements made by politicians and lawyers. In November 1951 this topic became omnipresent in public discourse and the activity of the administration of justice. The article intends to present the adjudication of the Special Commission to Combat Embezzlement and Economic Sabotage, pertaining to misdeeds regarded as hooliganism. In view of the fact that in the 1949–1955 period both propaganda and the adjudication of the administration of justice applied the term: ”hooliganism” in a wholly arbitrary manner by using general criteria, it became necessary to depict its interdisciplinary systemic dimension as well as the propaganda, political, and legal struggle waged against it. The above–mentioned methodological and factual operation was indispensable since without its analysis it would be difficult to describe the mechanisms of the penalisation of hooliganism by the Special Commission, which in 1951–1954 sentenced for this “crime” 10 684 persons to labour camps, and fined 1 580 perpetrators. The Special Commission adjudication concerning hooliganism encompassed an extensive gamut of conduct (misdemeanours) treated not only in legal categories but also in social and political ones. Their classification was determined by the context of the committed ”crime” or misdemeanour. The adjudication praxis of the Special Commission demonstrates that incriminated hooliganism could be divided according to an adjective criterion into: “political”, “social” and “class”, i.e. crimes against life, health and property.
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The presented text intends to describe breakthrough events and processes in the socio–political history of post–war Poland from the viewpoint of terrains located along the peripheries of the chief current of events of the period. The author wondered to what extent could the paradigm of universal resistance against the communist authorities be applied in regions situated outside the prime centres of contestation. In doing so, he transferred his reflections to the reality of the marital law period and the range of the former voivodeship of Sieradz. The point of departure for the ensuing deliberations is a depiction of the specificity of a totally agricultural area, only slightly urbanised, and with no structure of the pre–August opposition. Next, the author considered the period of the ”Solidarity Revolution” in those terrains, and, finally, concentrated his attention on analysing phenomena that can be regarded as a symptom of social resistance against the governance of the Military Council of National Salvation (WRON). The text ends with an attempt at a balance sheet of the described phenomena, conducted with the help of the social sciences, i.e. the conception of “group contestation”.
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The article focuses on the sessions of dietines (sejmiki, assemblies of the local nobility) convened in 1766. The author presents the preparations for the campaign of both the court and the opposition, and then – on the basis of instructions and letters describing the course of local gatherings – answers the question of which side was victorious at the dietines.
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In the second half of the 16th century the Przemyśl diocese witnessed a dispute of local nobility with the cathedral chapter concerning the retention of their episcopal tithe, known as the bishop’s share. That tithe, being the lump equivalent of the sheaf tithe from peasants’ fields, was granted to the chapter by bishops at the turn of the 14th and 15th centuries. During court cases, started in 1590, the nobles, using a variety of legal and historical arguments, as well as Protestant rhetoric, tried to question the chapter’s rights. After five years of the dispute, the Crown Tribunal decided that the church side was right. It was the last serious argument between local nobility and the Catholic Church over tithes in Red Ruthenia.
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Prikaz/The review of: Љубомир Петровић, Невидљиви гето. Инвалиди у Краљевини Југославији 1918-1941, Београд 2007, 341стр.
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Међународни научни скуп „Косово и Метохија у цивилизацијским токовима“, Косовска Митровица, 8–11. октобар 2009. године / International Conference, Kosovo and Metohija as a part of European Civilization, Kosovska Mitrovica, October 8-11th, 2009
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From the summer 1941, two resistant movements have been organized in Eastern Bosnia. One was indigenous that has merged with partisan or chetnik movement of Colonel Draža Mihailović and the other was partisan movement organized by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. Their front remained unified relatively longer than elsewhere. Process of differentiation has been slown due to the characteristics of this area as a part of ustashi Indenpendent State of Croatia. A wish for basic survival has been stronger among the insurgents than politics. In relatively short period of time greater number of insurgents have been changing their sides. In October 1941, a joint Partisan – Chetnik Headquarters have been established and during following two months uprisal has reached its peak. This area has been a part of joint liberated area of Western Serbia, and Eastern Bosnia. When the chetnik – partisan conflict has started in Western Serbia, Eastern Bosnia has remained out of it for some time, and operational cooperation beetwen two movements has continued all the way to the begging of January following year. The differences between two movements have culminated during German offensive in Eastern Bosnia in the period of January – February and afterwards started irreconcilable conflict. In their effort to draw the insurgents to their cause, partisan leadership has organized volunteer detachments from the former members of chetnik movement. In the circumstances of a new offensive of German, Italian and ustashi (Croat) armed forces – the Operation „Trio“, during April 1942 in volunteer and some partisan units chetnik coups have occurred. The insurgents than have gone to the side of those chetniks who have been seeking for the modus vivendi with Croat authorities and German and Italian commands. Due to the radical changes in the balance of powers, until the April 1942, fighting insurgency movement in Eastern Bosnia has been defeated.
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In the territory of Western Serbia in late summer and autumn 1941, the stage of the Civil War, whose consequences can be felt even today, was set. The first conflicts began already in the formation of partisan and chetnik detachments. Leaders of two anti-fascist movements were repeatedly trying to negotiate, but the differences between members of the movements, which had emerged in the decades before the war, were too big and the negotiations failed. Serbia found itself in the fight against the occupiers, internally divided. The divisions of the Civil War are so profound that they can be also felt in the literature dealing with these issues in the decades after the World War II. The need for a real picture of events orders return to the sources, so this paper was based on the memoirist literature of direct participants of the events. This literature so far has been used for getting concrete data on commonly asked questions: outbreak of the uprising, negotiations, beginning of the conflict between Chetniks and Partisans ... However, the data testify to the atmosphere which prevailed in those days in Serbia, and which this paper is trying to shed light upon, are neglected.
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Научни скуп „Културно-историјска баштина Јужне Србије“, Лесковац, 22. и 23. октобра 2010. године / Conference “Cultural and Historical Heritage of South Serbia”, Leskovac, 22nd and 23rd of October 2010
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Army, in cooperation with sports federations, was an essential factor in young people’ education. The promotion of a healthy way of life and cherishing Yugoslav spirit in young people were just some of the tasks on which military and civilian authorities were working together. With their activities in that area, the troops of Nis garnison, have, in their domains, contributed to strengthening of sports societies, both through active membership of officers at the top of the federation, and contribution in joint exercises, which enabled the tendency for militarization of physical culture, evident in most European countries. Bearing in mind the variety of army troops situated in the city (the army and two division commands, one infantry, cavalry, engineering and artillery regiments each, as well as three independent artillery divisions, later formed regiment of fighting aviation and batallion of special troops), as well as a great number of officers (several generals in the garrison only), an important advance has been made in affirming sports with the young people and impressive results have been achieved. First of all, organization Soko (Falcon) be mentioned, with the aim of promoting ideology of integral Yugoslavship, through its activities among young people in the area of sport and development of physical culture. This organization prepared young men in military knowledge and habits, taught them obedience and behaviour. Men with sound bodies left this organization, resistant and enduring, and accordingly, capable of great body and mental efforts. In addition to cooperating with Falcon societies, contribution of the army, and particularly its officers, has been evident in improvement of actual sports. Cavalry officers have been cited as pioneers of equestrian sport in the city, as well as shooting which became more and more popular with the civilians. Among the founders of the first football club in Niš were Army men, while due to contribution of the Air Force, the city air club and the sailing club have achieved outstanding results at the level of the country.
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Prikaz/The review of: Душан Чкребић: Коча Поповић, дубока људска тајна, Службени гласник, Београд, 2011, стр. 342
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Prikaz/The review of: Ема Миљковић Бојанић, На раскршћу епоха: студије из историје српског народа под османском влашћу, Филозофски факултет Ниш, 2013, стр. 206
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Августа 2013. напустио нас је професор Андреј Митровић. Иза њега је остало историографско дело незаобилазно за све који проучавају српску, југословенску и европску историју 20. века: 25 монографија, преко 400 чланака, више студија и мноштво есеја и критика. Једна књига Време нетрпељивих: политичка историја великих држава Европе 1919–1939, као несвакидашњи искорак са насловом од две речи, постала је синоним како се сликовито може исказати европска историја између два светска рата. [...]
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This year marks the 100th anniversary of the outbreak of World War I, and this seminal event in world history is highlighted by numerous books, special studies, and reports. An important part providing new information on World War I is the search for unpublished private papers. Individual viewpoints and experiences are contained in sources that generally mirror and incorporate individual views, and the relevant personal reflect experiences of people living ordinary lives. These include World War I era diaries and memoirs, many of which remain available provide special research opportunities for researchers. Several cultural, social, psychological, and strategic historical themes can be discovered by their use, as they can be excellent sources regarding relations between nations living side by side or waging war against each other. The most important aspect is that through them we can learn the individual stories, intense experiences, and written thoughts of “ordinary” people, and they reveal levels of historical past that cannot be learned by studying great politics. With the help of these personal accounts, we can compare official wartime propaganda to a soldier's experience on the front line. What did it mean in reality for him that the official papers coded as heroic war for God, home, nation, king, etc.? This paper seeks to show the special historical value of such sources by highlighting several wartime diaries and memoirs, featuring one of the most interesting, the most individual ones: that of Bela Munczy. Born in 1896, he was a descendant of a famous Gypsy musician family in Sopron. During the Great War, he served on the Italian Front in 1916 and on the Russian/Polish Front in 1917. His six-volume diary, containing entries written between 4 February 1916 and 31 December 1917, records his impressions of his frontline combat experiences.
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Prikaz/The review of: Милан Мицић, Српско добровољачко питање у Великом рату (1914–1918), Банатски културни центар, РДУ Радио-телевизија Србије, Београд 2014, 260 стр.
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Valjevo had long felt the consequences of being at the center of the Balkan front in the First World War. It took more than twenty years for Valjevo and its citizens to recover from the sufferings in the First World War. No sooner had it seemed that the citizens of Valjevo would finally heal from the consequences of the Great War than the Second World War began. After the Second World War, Serbian historiography had long dealt with the matter of the First World War only sporadically and insufficiently. Significant strides in this respect were made towards the end of the 1960s. Many articles published in the local history magazine as well as in scholarly anthologies initiated an interest in this topic. There has since been a progressive increase in the number of bibliographies that include the First World War. Researchers who showed interest in studying the history of the local community and its role in the context of Serbia in the Great War produced many academic works. Of all these works, the most valuable historical materials are those produced right after the Great War under the patronage of the state and those which authors were direct participants in the combat operations in the Valjevo region. Their testimonies through remembrance and memoirs give us a true picture of the aforementioned events and the extent of suffering of the citizens of Valjevo. Vastly important are the works made at WWI themed scientific conferences which focused on the Battle of Kolubara and Valjevo Hospital. No less valuable were the contemporary home and foreign press, with their daily reports from the Balkan front. Local historians and amateur chroniclers have also played a major role in ensuring that the horrors and sufferings of the citizens of Valjevo in the First World War are never forgotten. Valjevo had the misfortune to play a pivotal role in the First World War, and it suffered numerous and extensive criticisms as a consequence.
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