VI. Малоазийските сектантски формирования (казълбаши, тахтаджи и др. )
This article represent textual part of the book of Franz Babinger "Sheikh Bedreddin, the son of the judge from Simav" (translation by the editor).
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This article represent textual part of the book of Franz Babinger "Sheikh Bedreddin, the son of the judge from Simav" (translation by the editor).
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In this article Prof. Palangurski is reviewing the political history in modern Bulgaria - from the Liberation in the late 19th century till early 20th century.
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This article examines the pro-Kremlin youth movement Nashi (2005-2012) – the hitherto largest youth organization since the Soviet-era Komsomol – in order to elucidate the background of changes that have appeared in the Kremlin’s symbolic politics since 2012. Nashi’s disappearance from Russia’s political scene by the summer of 2012 can be seen as an elementary part of the crisis that the Kremlin faced with the large-scale protests that shook Russia’s major cities in the winter of 2011/2012. However, Nashi’s negative image did not fi rst appear in Russia with Putin’s decreased popularity and the beginning of the large-scale protests; rather, such a negative image has been manifested throughout the existence of pro-Kremlin youth formations supporting Putin’s political leadership, before and after Nashi. Rather than demonstrating a well-planned and calculated insistence on patriotism and moral conservatism, the history of the whole pro-Putin youth movement indicates that it has continuously struggled with its public image ever since its idol, President Putin, appeared in Russia’s political arena. By focusing on Nashi’s online writings as its major voice, the author exemplifi es the basic and unsolved dilemma of governmental mobilization – the tension between didactics and stimulation – that is crystallized in the movement’s political communication. After that, in a short excursion on Nashi’s successor, the project Set’, the author’s aim is to pinpoint how the ‘exit’ from Nashi’s communicative dilemma, in line with the Kremlin’ssymbolic politics since 2012, appears as a proliferation of Putin’s personality.
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Defended PhD theses in Bulgaria in the field of linguistics, literature, history, folklore, ethnography and art studies
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This article deals with the conservation, preservation and socialization of tangible and intangible cultural heritage of Muslims in Bulgaria during the accession of Bulgaria to the structures of the CoE and the EU (1990s – 2014). Basic approach in the text is the viewpoint of Cultural Heritage Science. Using the method of analysis of public policies through best practices, different aspects of preservation and conservation of the Muslim cultural heritage (places of worship, public buildings and ensembles, literary and documentary heritage, mother tongue, and social practices) are considered. The article focuses on two main issues: introduction of the European legal framework in the country, and the European structural and investment funding. An assessment of the use of EU funds in order to finance the preservation, conservation and socialization of Muslim cultural heritage is done.
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Based on an analysis of pop cultural representations – the reality television show Serce z węgla [Heart of Coal, 2001] and the feature film Benek [Benek, 2007] – Kosterka examines the visualization of post-transformation Upper Silesia in 21st-century Polish film. She draws on psychoanalysis to explore why Upper Silesia has become attractive especially to those directors who aim to highlight the negative consequences of the socio-economic transformations after 1989: poverty, unemployment, frustration and a lack of perspective. The aim of this article is to draw readers’ attention to the fact that in 21st-century representations, Upper Silesia is mostly understood, visualized and spoken about as a space of ‘wilful exclusion,’ which has helped solidify the post-transformation status quo.
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This article analyses strategies for constructing family memory about communism in (auto) biographical texts in Poland today. Drawing on the work of Harald Welzer as well as Aleida and Jan Assmann, Mrozik asks how private memory of commitment to Communism works in the public sphere in Poland: to what extent is such unofficial memory made to agree with official memory, becoming elusive where it does not overlap. Another key question is if and how the memory of one’s own or one’s relatives’ commitment to Communism is subject transformation in the process of inter- or transgenerational migration and
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Discussing ‘generations’ as an analytic category as used in the Humanities today the authors think about the term’s definitions and meanings in memory studies as well as in studies on changes of social attitudes and on the politics of memory. They examine how this category functions in public discourse in Poland after 1989, and also what role generational (self)declarations play today. Their key question revolves around the benefits of using the category of the ‘generation’ in studying Communism and the Polish People’s Republic. This discussion presents an occasion to explore the latest theoretical approaches as well as works that operate with the category of the ‘generation’ in detailed analyses, both in Poland and internationally.
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The research is focused on a Bulgarian group in Komotini from the late 19th century until 1912. The reconstruction is based on autobiographical memories which outline some of the group’s markers, such as norms of behaviour, boundaries and relations with the “others”. Under the conditions of old systems of contact and co-existence, of trade communication and relations connected with the ideological and moral ideas of the Balkan man in general, i.e. in the case of features referring to the so-called low (deep) culture, the Bulgarians and Greeks in the town draw closer together and live under the conditions of the contact zone. In the opposite case, with the emergence of some of the basic features of the nation and the high culture, such as institutions, designation, territory, language, the anthropological boundary hardens and in part of the contact zone a barrier rises up which discriminates between “we” and the “others”.
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The article presents the local festive system of Samokov in the socialist period. Theobservations and conclusions are based on oral biographical stories collected duringethnological field researches in the town of Samokov conducted in 2011–2015 bythe “Ongal“ Association of Anthropology, Ethnology and Folklore Studies using themethod of oral history.The study examines the official and traditional calendar and family rites andpresents some specific forms of socialist festivities – manifestation, solemn meeting,banquet, literary-musical programme, treat in an intimate circle, as well as festiveforms deriving from traditional feasts.Some typical cultural practices understood and referred to as markers of localidentity in Samokov are outlined: throwing sweet loafs from Rido on the Annunciation, visiting in midnight on Easter the cemetery with a red Easter egg and an Eastercake, the post-wedding custom of “Topenitsa“, the Whitsuntide fair known as Štipimarket, as well as the Samokov leek pasty (samokovski zelnik) and mulled brandy(greyana rakiya).The retrospective look at the Samokov feasts shows that the forms of celebrationare not steady. The dynamic of the processes of change in the urban festivity affectsalso the shift of the places of memory in the town.
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The paper is dedicated to a modern urban festival at the heart of which lies thetraditional celebration of „Kalinitsa“ preserved in Asenovgrad. The study reveals how this tradition is reconstructed today and turned into a cultural resource for the local community. The emphasis is on the cultural representations and functions ofthe festival and the importance attributed by local residents. The analysis identifiesthe main discourses related to „Kalinitsa“, paying attention to the role of collectivememory in shaping modern practices and models of celebration in the community. Who are the carriers of this local memory? To what extent it defines the essence ofthe festivities? In addition, the paper aims to answer the following questions: whatmakes the festival unique to Asenovgrad and what is its place in the modern urbanculture? In the disclosure of all aspects of this tradition the author relies on personal observations, stories of participants and earlier ethnographic researches.
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The Tobacco city is a case which at a certain moment attracted significant publicattention; at the same time, it is an example which combines various discourses. Inorder to find the specificity of this case, the article examines three more exampleswhich in geographical and historical aspect are appropriate for comparative researchon the problem, having in mind the commensurability in reference to size and significanceof the settlement and the cultural and industrial traditions, the relevant timecoincidence of the processes, as well as the geographical and economic representativeness.The research questions which the study attempts to answer are analyticalas well as completely practical, related to real management and political decisions.From an anthropological point of view, we are interested in the problem of the correlationbetween re-functionalizing with the purpose of settling, attracting investmentsand publics, and updating the use and access, one the one hand, and, on the other, thenarrative which represents the space itself in its capacity of heritage and the degree towhich this narrative should be preserved.
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The paper is devoted to the research of the phenomenon of the Lusatian Sorbs cultural revival. The intensification process of cultural and national movement of the Lusatian Sorbs, that took place under the influence of the Age of Enlightenment at the turn of the 18th –19th centuries, has been considered. Changes that took place in the political and social life of the German states, led to the formation of a new layer – ethnic intelligentsia, who became a leader of the Sorbian revival. Despite the general laws, the Sorbian revival turned to be different from the similar processes of other Slavic peoples. For the Sorbs the main issue of the ethnic revival programme was not politicizing their movement, but preserving their own culture and its renaissance. Consequently, it is argued that the Lusatian ethnic community could not have transformed into a nation because of various objective reasons. However, as the Sorbs developed within the mainstream of the formation of European nations, in particular German, their cultural and ethnic revival was a part of the establishment of new European nations.
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The study deals with the nationalist activities of the Spiš inhabitants after the establishment of Czechoslovakia. The end of the First World War and the destruction of Hungary directly stimulated nationalist activities of the Slovak population in all its regions, even in the Spiš region. The nature and dimension of these activities in Spiš region, was determined by its multi-ethnicity. Therefore in Spiš were mobilized members of various nationalities - Slovak, German, Hungarian and Ruthenian. Nationalist manifestations in the observed period were mainly related to the operation of national councils of these nationalities. The Hungarian National Council, the German National Council of and East Slovak Council were supported by the Hungarian government, which at that time ruled over the territory. On the contrary, the Slovak National Council was on the defensive. After the occupation of Spiš by Czechoslovak army in December 1918, the situation turned. Pro-Hungarian oriented councils were either cancelled or got to the defensive and the Slovak National Council was encouraged by Czechoslovak government. During the year 1919 there was a different manifestation for Czechoslovakia and against it, what will be addressed to this paper, too.
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The paper deals with the basic issues of political development of Hungarian opposition parties during the period of the First Czechoslovak Republic (CSR). Within the frame of parliamentary democracy in CSR the whole array of political parties was active,including political associations based on the ethnic principle. Among the Hungarian community the primary role was played by the Provincial Christian Social Party (PChSP) and the Hungarian National Party (HNP). Eventually, even though they were representing primarily interests of the Hungarian population,they differed in their confessional orientation, but also in their ability to gain support of voters outside the Hungarian community. PChSP, which represented itself as the strictly Catholic Party, was able to attract preferences of a segment of Slovak Catholics. On the other side, the Hungarian National Party could count on votes of certain number of members of the Jewish minority. The both parties differentiated also in their approach to ruling coalition. Whereas MNS was pursuing a policy of opposition in some circumstances it was open to cooperation with government if its demands aimed at improvement of the status of Hungarian community would be met, the PChSP was a priori against any cooperation with government. Till their unification both Hungarian opposition parties were active as autonomous political associations.A dramatic development of political situation at the close of 1938 resulted in a radical change of the status of the Hungarian political opposition as well as Hungarian population. On the basis of Vienna Arbitrage from 2 November 1938, a sizeable part of the Southern Slovakia, where the majority of members of the Hungarian minority lived was annexed by Hungary.
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Concluded in 1985, Mihai Botez’ analysis proposed an insight on how American-Romanian relations were seen and interpreted from Bucharest by a Romanian dissident. The survey contains five parts. The first four parts concentrate on the opening toward Romania initiated by the Nixon administration in 1968-1972, the development of US-Romanian relations in 1972-1976, the analysis of the impact of the human rights issue on US foreign policy (during the Carter administration), and the US-Romanian relations since 1980 to 1985. The last part contains Botez’ views on how American foreign policy influenced the evolution of the Romanian Communist regime and the perception of the general public toward America. Even if Botez’ study was not well received in the American circles, the text remains an original approach of American-Romanian relations during Ceauşescu’s regime.
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The article presents the analysis of an image of a foreign student from the CMEA countries in the Soviet Union, based on the questionnaires and interviews of a number of students and lecturers of the philosophical department of the Belarusian State University in the 1970s - the 1980s. The process of communication between the Soviet and the foreign students is represented in the context of cultural transfer research; the figure of a foreign student is represented as a cultural mediator, placed in the area of communications between cultures and participating actively in this process. The peculiarities of behavior and communication of foreign students during the study at the university and everyday life are explicated; some information about the further communications between the graduates of the philosophical department is presented.
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