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In this paper we aim to analyse the famous elegy from the second Book ofthe Ovid’s Tristia, which implies a commentary on the issue of morality in literature.Ovid detached himself as author, of the accusations that caused him the relegation toTomis. He argues that both as a person and as a writer he can never be accused fordisrespect, regarding the official politics, on this matter. The poet uses a well organizedset of arguments and offers and impresive example of talent and erudition.
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Until recently nothing certain and particular was known about the Celtic/Galatian campaigns in Thrace and the founding of the new Celtic kingdom in the Balkans. The history of the Celtic/Galatian state in Thrace so far has only provoked discussions arising from different hypotheses regarding the most important issues – the time and the way of its founding, the time of existence, the territorial scope and its capital. The hypotheses of modern scholars for this state have been built thanks to a few brief accounts, mainly in the work of the ancient author Polybius and also thanks to the fragmentary evidence of several other ancient authors.Attempts to locate the capital of the state of the Celts/Galatians in Thrace, known by the name of Tylis from the records of Polybius and Stephanus of Byzantium, have lasted almost about 150 years so far without success. Thanks to a recently published monograph,which mainly focuses on the search and localization of the first capital of the state of the Celts/Galatians in Thrace, and generally on the history of this state, the situation changed significantly. In this monograph, the first capital of the Celtic kingdom in Thrace was clearly and precisely identified and it was stated that it had never been with the name ofTylis, but its exact name was Apre – located at the place of the ancient Thracian settlement of Apros – to the north of Lysimacheia, with the Celts/Galatians only slightly changing its name into Apre.An extremely interesting bronze coin – a unique one for now, kept in a private collection in Bulgaria, which was found some years ago in the region of today's town of Svilengrad, Haskovo region, is another significant and conclusive proof of the identification of the first capital of the Celtic kingdom in Thrace. The coin is presented here for the first time. The bronze coin is of a small denomination, but it is extremely important for history. On the obverse of the coin is represented a portrait image of a ruler.The ruler is with a wide diadem from which two strips run down behind his neck. On the reversе of the coin are depicted very interesting symbols and there are two inscriptions in Greek letters, presenting the names both of the first capital of the Celtic kingdom in Thrace and another name – apparently a person's name in the genitive – a name of a ruler of the Celtic kingdom in Thrace.This unique coin on the reverse features a combination of the capital's name Apreand a personal name of a Celtic ruler, unknown so far from any other sources – neither by the ancient authors, nor by inscriptions or other coins. This Celtic ruler, however, is already well known from the monograph published in 2017, as it was already established that he was in fact the second ruler of the Celtic kingdom in Thrace. This ruler from the presented coin was without a royal title, but he had only the status of a governor of the state of the Celts/Galatians in Thrace until the enthronement of the new king, Kavaros.This coin is another conclusive proof that the first capital of the state of the Galatians in Thrace was called Apre. This case of the presented coin is unique in the ancient coinages at all – in other coins there is no simultaneously presented inscription of the name of a polis in which the coins were struck – a residence or capital, and the name of a ruler. Moreover, we already have and the real portrait of this ruler.
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The role of this review is to analyze, in in particular, the various interpretations in this key that have been proposed throughout time in the exegesis of the work of the cultural father of the Greeks, Homer. Thus, it attest, on the one hand, the perennial prestige of the Homeric poems, which, behold, were imposed in this as well regard as a major landmark of political reflection, and on the other hand, reception their complex by various authors, ancient or modern, who, in their approach hermeneutically, they constantly adapted them according to their own agendas (philosophical, moral, rhetorical, political or biographical) .
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This study presents results relevant to understanding the spread of early metallurgy obtained by extracting patterns from a dataset of ancient genomes. It finds that, conservatively, the spread of metallurgy into Italy Remedello Chalcolithic culture can be linked to a probably Bulgaria Chalcolithic-shifted population represented by the genome of an individual associated with Bodrogkeresztúr pottery in Romania. Also conservatively, either a population related to this sample or to populations sampled from the Chalcolithic era Great Hungarian Plain can be associated with Italy North Bell Beakers and some Bell Beakers in France. Traces the samples examined have left give a sense of the geographical spread of the populations they represent. This paper illustrates the use of a data mining technique to support archaeological and humanistic inquiries on cultural developments.
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The research of the settlement from Băiceni–Dâmbul Morii (known in the archaeological literature as Cucuteni–Dâmbul Morii) is closely related to the excavations carried out in the eponymous site of Cucuteni-Cetățuia. The first mention, under the name of "Settlement in the valley", was made by the German scientist Hubert Schmidt, the author of the first monograph dedicated to the Cucuteni culture. The research carried out during several campaigns, in three sectors called A, B, and C, made important contributions in establishing the periodization of the Cucuteni A-B phase. Eight dwellings and a defensive ditch were investigated. The already known information regarding the settlement from Dâmbul Morii was completed by applying modern research techniques (geophysical surveys).
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The article analyses Cicero’s use of the concept of odium. The author has concluded that Cicero uses odium in different writings for more than 200 times, most often in his orations. The concept has a rather wide palette of meanings: from hate to enmity and anger. The notion of odium has such epithets as personal or public, open or secret, fair or unfair, big or small, sudden or long-term. Odium acts as a homogeneous member of a sentence with words denoting positive or negative emotions, or moral categories, and they are often connected by conjunctions, prepositions, particles (et / et ... et, atque, aut / aut ... aut, cum, sine, -que, vel, neque / neque ... neque) or with a comma. Cicero employs the concept of odium together with invidia, ira, iracundia, which often form synonymous series. Cicero speaks of hatred (odium) when discussing crimes (scelera) and wars (bella). Odium is often combined with words denoting vices (libido, crudelitas, etc.) and negative emotions (cupiditas, metus, etc.). Odium as a negative emotion is opposed to positive moral categories (dignitas, misericordia, benevolentia, virtus, etc.) and positive emotions (spes, fides, etc.), especially in orations in order to persuade listeners. In his writings on rhetoric Cicero includes odium in the list of emotions that a speaker should exercise; with odium he also indicates the ability of the orator to change emotions of the audience depending on the situation, turning hatred into friendship or vice versa.
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The objective of this study is to identify, by means of the analysis of the graffiti ante cocturam on the Roman amphoras, the different processes of production which are registered in the amphorae workshops. The olive oil produced in the Baetica served massively to nourish the western provinces of Roman Empire for more than 300 years. The standardization of the selected amphoric type, which extended over more than one hundred amphora workshops, allows us to observe certain patterns of similarity in the amphoric productions, at either a typological or epigraphic level, that allow us to understand the production organization of these amphoras. We apply here a development of the categorization of graffiti ante cocturam on these olive oil amphoras (i.e. Dressel 20) that allows us to analyze the set of the epigraphs which have been published so far from a new point of view. Our work focuses on the analysis of graffiti belonging to thirteen different archaeological surveys conducted on the surface of Monte Testaccio (Rome, years 1989 to 2000 and 2005). Before now the graffiti found in the different excavations of Monte Testaccio have been studied and published independently, and only through a global analysis can we present a joint vision of graffiti for more than a century, appreciating certain patterns or key trends which are important for understanding the different processes of production of the Dressel 20 amphorae in the production areas. The results suggest that the presence of numerals responds to a clear will on the part of the artisan collective who was dedicated to the manufacture of these amphoras to quantify the lots produced in any of the various phases of a production system. The fact that one is a part of a complex system of artisanal ceramic manufacturing at industrial levels necessitated a strict organizational control of all the productive phases. The continuity over time and the dispersion of the marking method in the territory makes us think of possible well-defined standardization processes, with learning processes common to the ceramic artisan communities and their possible mobility through the different workshops that produced the same type of amphora. The same results could be understood as part of the internal control of the contracted productions, as well as constituting a log of the internal logistics of the baking phase or for its control, when storing them in one of the first phases of formation of the amphora.
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The author analyses the epigraphic sources on soldiers originating from the rural milieu of Lower Moesia, more precisely those whose rural origin is certain. The militaries from the alae and cohortes are studied here. The author tries to identify the moments of their enlistment and the historical events connected to these moments.
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Our article refers to a special discovery made at Noviodunum, the headquarters of the Danube fleet Classis Flavia Moesica. It is about an oinophora type vessel, shaped as a ram, which was discovered, by chance, in a cremation grave. Its presence in the necropolis of the city must not come as a surprise to us, because such discoveries come, once again, to show its commercial and economic importance in the province. The Noviodunum market represented a luxury goods consumer from all the provinces of the empire. Regarding the chronological framing of the vessel we support the opinion that it might come from the second half of the 2nd century p.Chr.
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In this paper we intend to look at the role that Iulia Mamaea played in the government of her son Alexander Severus. To this end, we will focus on the honours and titles that the Augusta received and which were recorded in the epigraphy. The classic authors speak of Iulia Mamaea as a powerful and controlling woman. After the death of her mother, Iulia Maesa, was the only one who guided the government of her son. She has also been considered one of the culprits in the fall of Alexander Severus and, therefore, of the entire Severus dynasty. However, if we look at the material evidence, it seems that this Augusta did not receive innovative titles. Rather, the main ones were given by her predecessors, especially by Julia Domna. The purpose of our work is not only to analyze the inscriptions related to Alexander Severus' mother, but also to study this crucial period of the 3rd century AD.
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The article focuses on clarifying the role of names of Roman emperors in Dostoevsky’s calligraphic records in his notebooks of the late 1860s (Russian State Archive of Literature and Art. Funds 212.1.6 and 212.1.7). One of the reasons for Fedor Dostoevsky’s invocation of images and themes from Roman history was the idea characteristic of the educated class of the mid-19th century, namely, that the history of Rome is a model of virtues and example of vices and atrocities, and is therefore essential to everyone who is not indifferent to the fate of humankind. Since the writer’s creative reflections mainly refer to Gaius Julius Caesar and the rulers of the first two centuries (and the first three dynasties) of the Imperial Period, the writer’s interest in the Roman Caesars must be correlated with his assessment of Imperial Rome in the I–II centuries as the time of strengthening the sole nature of the Emperor’s power and the spread of the Imperial cult, on the one hand, and the formation of Christianity, on the other. At the same time, Dostoevsky’s attention was drawn to Attila and Romulus Augustulus, whose names are associated with the final pages of the history of the Western Roman Empire. For Dostoevsky, Not only texts authored by ancient and Christian authors, but also images of Imperial Rome in contemporary literature and journalism became the sources of associations and motifs associated with the Roman Caesars for Dostoevsky. The most important nuances of meaning were born from the comparison of ancient Roman history with the new history of Western Europe and Russia. The evolution of the subject of calligraphic notes in The Idiot is significant: in the initial drafts of the novel the emphasis was placed on the despotism and monstrosity of the Roman rulers, while the notes for the final version concentrated on the reflection of the history of Imperial Rome and its fate in the Apocalypse.
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In this article it is analysed the pottery produced in Phocaean workshops, discovered in the “Faleză Est” sector of the late Roman fortress Argamum. The forms identified are H 1, H 2, H 3, H 4, H 5, H 8 and H 10. Most common of all by far is the form H 3. Chronologically, the studied ceramic group dates between the middle of the 4th century and the third quarter of the 7th century.
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The article presents a technique of periodization of the Saltovo-Mayaki culture burials based on the shapes of polished vessels. The methodological basis of the research is historical-and-cultural approach. This is a scientific direction developed by the famous Russian ceramic researcher A.A. Bobrinsky. The materials of the study are the most popular categories of vessels from the catacomb cemeteries of the Saltovo-Mayaki culture. These are jugs and cups from Dmitrievka and Yutanovka cemeteries. The main hypothesis of the study is as follows: (1) Burials with polished vessels of the mass traditions of shapes creating are earlier on the cemetery; (2) During the necropolis functioning, the erosion of mass traditions of vessel shapes creating took place; and (3) Distribution of new (possibly mixed) traditions belongs to the late period of necropolis functioning. Burials with vessels of the ‘new’ traditions should be attributed to the late period of the burial ground’s existence. The hypothesis found a number of independent confirmations at both burial sites studied. These are metal inventory, planigraphy, and topography of graves.
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This paper presents the study of bronze artefacts resulting from an accidental discovery in the Preajba neighbourhood of Târgu Jiu municipality, Gorj County, Romania. In addition to the presentation of the field assessment and artefact analogies, the objects were analysed using optical microscopy (OM) and scanning electron microscopy (SEM) coupled with Energy-Dispersive X-Ray (EDX), in order to highlight the morphology of the corrosion crust and to determine the elemental composition of corrosion and soil contamination products. Thus, it was possible to establish the nature of the materials used and the manufacturing technology.
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In the introduction to his historical treatise the Athenian historian Thucydides mentions the most ancient naval battle in Greek history that took place between the Corinthians and their colonists Corcyraeans around 664 BC, of which battle there is no account in other sources. Having analysed the information on the relationships between Corinth and Corcyra in the Archaic and early Classical periods provided by the written tradition of antiquity, the author of the article arrives at the conclusion that it was but one of many conflicts between the metropolis and its colony, which started as early as the end of the 8th century BC and by the end of the 5th century BC became one of the reasons for the Peloponnesian War that split the ancient Greek world into two camps.
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This paper aims to analyse the fourth paradox from Cicero´s work Stoic Paradoxes (Cic. Parad. 27–32). In this text, Marcus Tullius Cicero tries to argue based on stoic-philosophical arguments that he did not leave into exile (in 58 BC). He rather implies that it was the Publius Clodius Pulcher who went into exile because of his loss of mental capacity. In Stoic Paradoxes author philosophically disputes his exile and because of moral dispositions, he achieves the positions of stoic sage as the highest ethical ideal.
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The paper reprises the discussion concerning the phrase Dacia restituta within Pan. IV [8] uttered on March 1st, 297 at Augusta Treverorum by an anonymous orator on the occasion of celebrating the Quinquennalia, in the honour of Constantius becoming a Caesar. The first part features an overview of the opinions formulated regarding the localisation of Dacia mentioned by the orator. Hence, some believe that it is the North-Danubian province, “taken back” by the Empire around 289 or even 297. Others point out that it is the extreme southern area of the former province, controlled permanently by the Romans through the fortifications on the left bank of the river. Others yet, without denying that the orator was referring to the former trans-Danubian province, only credit the information with the value of rhetorical expression, as more of an ideological than a realistic claim. Finally, certain researchers pinpoint that the orator must have referred to the South-Danubian province of Dacia as a whole or to one of the provinces by that name (Dacia Ripensis, Dacia Mediterranea) situated on the left side of the river. The following lines feature the significations of the term restituta (-us), in general, then in the Panegyrici Latini. The paper also includes an internal analysis of the fragment where the phrase Dacia restituta is featured, as well as of other contexts within the speech where the lexeme in question is used, leading to the conclusion that the phrase can only refer to a Dacia that the Empire considered an integrant part of it—a provincia—and that was restored, reintegrated in the initial structures (administrative, legal, tax-related, etc.) of the state, after the perturbation of the natural evolution by the barbarian incursions. Hence, it could not have been the former province of Dacia in the north of the Danube, given that its legal Roman status had ceased de jure and definitively upon the official abandonment of the province, but the province of Dacia in the south of the Danube, in close connection with the events requiring the presence of Diocletian on the Danubian front in 289, 290–291, 293–294, 296. A further argument to support this idea is the frequency of the opposition amissa-recepta, not amissa-restituta. Finally, the foreign policy ideology of the 297 speech is worth highlighting; namely, the view according to which the Empire was a closed space, a stable world, where territorial acquisitions on the left bank of the Danube were excluded.
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The archaeological excavations of the ‘Faleză Est’ sector have extended over twenty years. Their result was the discovery of a large quantity of ceramic fragments from the Hellenistic and Roman eras. This article analyzes the tableware from the late Roman period, imported from North Africa, Cyprus, the Aegean basin and the Pontic region. Most of the imported tableware comes from North African workshops. The ceramic fragments discovered in the ‘Faleză Est’ sector are dated in the 5th–6th centuries.
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The symbols of royal power look like being similar to each other in various cultures of the Ancient World, but this resemblance may hide the regional specifics from the researchers. Early Greek sceptre and Hittite kalmus are considered to be equivalents of mace and of shepherd’s crook. However, this theory is not very convincing. Analysing the textual attestations of the Ancient Greek sceptre and Hittite kalmus, we have found out that these objects were considered as close to throwing weapon and therefore associated with a bolt of lightning, the symbol of the storm god. Archaeological evidences make clear that the symbols of power like sceptre have their origin in a weapon similar to spear.
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