Permanențe ale civilizației geto-dacice și daco-romane în structura societății medievale românești
Articolul prezintă permanențele civilizației geto-dacice și daco-romane în structura societății medievale românești.
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Articolul prezintă permanențele civilizației geto-dacice și daco-romane în structura societății medievale românești.
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Articolul prezintă date referitoare la albinăritul pe teritoriul României în mileniul I e.n..
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Based on the archaeological explorations, historical sources and literature, the author here describes an outset and development of Christianity on Senian territory, the institution of Senian diocese and the construction of churches. The author also interpretes the first written news of the Middle Ages Senj, its development in an important socio-political and economic centre, which gave rise to the development of either profane or sacral architecture. He mentions also new stone pleater finds and speaks about further explorations of sacral architecture on the Senian territory and its outskirts.
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In this study, the author analyses the Avar invasions of the Balkan territories of the East Roman Empire from the accession of the Emperor Maurice (582-602) to the great siege of Constantinople in 626. He directs his attention to the story of these campaigns and their dating, but especially to the military aspects of the Avar invasions in connection with the changing political positions of the two sides – the Avar Kaganate
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The article deals with the analysis of faunal remains from the late Neolithic habitation from Uivar-Gomilă, targeting the material from the trench (S.) XI. The site was investigated between the 1999-2009’s campaigns; based on radiocarbon data the Neolithic settlement functioned between 4950-4500 BC. About 44,000 animal remains were recovered and analyzed, they were assigned to Neo-Eneolithic, Bronze Age, Iron Age, Middle Ages and modern periods. The sample recovered from trench XI amounts to 7,957 bones, of which, 6,196 belong to the late Neolithic habitation (Vinča C), 371 to the Tiszapolgár level, 920 to the medieval period and 470 to the mixture layer. Of the Neolithic sample, 2,268 bones originate in the structures of some houses (floors, pits, foundation ditches) and 3,928 in the culture layer. Of the 2,268 clearly assigned bones, 1054 come from the 2nd and 3th layers (taken together according to archaeological data) and 1,214 from the 4th layer (Tab. 1, 2). The sample from 2nd layer comes from pillar pits, foundation ditches of two burned buildings, marked with F. 3172/3173, F. 3123a and from an adobe agglomeration (F. 3150). The sample from the 3rd layer was collected from an agglomeration of ceramics and bones (F. 3261), two garbage pits (F. 3214, F. 3219), and foundation ditches (F. 3321, F. 3328). The layers 2+3 provided 1,054 mammal bones, of which 342 belong to domestic species (50%) and as many to wildlife. Another 370 fragments represent ribs and flakes of long bones, not specifically assigned. According to the percentage distribution, cattle predominate with 29.1%, followed by red deer with 28.51%, the rest of the taxa have much lower rates. The pig totals 10.96%, the small ruminants 8.04%, and the roe deer, 9.06%. The wild boar totals 10.38%, the aurochs 1.17% and the dog 1.9%. The share of game is high (50%), with emphasis on red deer exploitation. Its high frequency can be linked, either to an increased density in the area, suggesting somewhat more wooded surroundings, or to a specialization in its capture; the exploitation of antlers was a significant component in domestic activities. It is possible that F. 3219, with a diameter of 2.2 m, to be a garbage pit, with a consistent filling (231 bones). The sample of the 4th layer comes from two burned constructions, F. 3208 (H2b-11) and F. 3123b (Tab. 2). It includes 1,214 bones, of which 1,045 come from pillar pits, foundation ditches and floor of F. 3208. Only eight remains were taken from building F. 3123b and 161 from outer space of the constructions. Statistics of the 4th layer indicate a prevalence of domestic taxa (53.75%) with emphasise on cattle breeding (26%). It is a fairly small percentage, but common to the settlement. Sheep and goats rank the second with 15.16%. The pig is quoted with 10.94%. Wild mammals total a high percentage of 46.25%, of which 23.13% is attributed to red deer. As a number of specimens, the roe deer dominates the wildlife spectrum, with 16.39% and 8.91% as fragments. The aurochs bones are few in this sector, the nine remains (1.41%) come from an adult. In addition, te mention leftovers from hare, badger, fox. About 3,928 mammalian bones come from the trench S. XI (no feature), of which 2,039 come from the layers 2+3 and 1,889 from the 4th layer (Tab. 3). The wild species have a high rate, of 52.94%, compared to 47.06%, that of domesticates. Among domestic mammals, pigs predominate with 18.23%, cattle registering only 15.27% and small ruminants, 12.31%. Among the hunted species, red deer rank the first with 18.72%, followed by roe deer with 15.76% and wild boar with 8.87%. The aurochs have a small contribution, 1.37%. The remaining taxa as wild cat, badger, marten, fox, dog, lynx total below 1%. To notice therefore, a diversified wild fauna illustrating different biotopes: wet surroundings with wild boar, beaver, pig; forested areas (forest spots) with red deer, wild cat, lynx, marten, badger, fox, wolf; open areas with roe deer, aurochs, hare. Similar percentages of the main taxa in the trenches S. I-III (presented on another occasion) are also found within S. XI. Specifically, a clear reduction of the bovines and small ruminants’ rates was found in the Vinča C2 level compared to Vinča C1 level. As well, the red deer is well represented, to the detriment of roe deer and aurochs. Hunting is diversified, with a high share, about 50%. The intensification of hunting, focused on red deer is manifested towards the end of the Vinča C2 habitation, suggesting a cooling of the climate, accompanied by an extension of the forested area. The wild boar rate keeps unchanged, around 10% throughout the Neolithic habitation; probably the humid environments with its specific vegetation along the watercourses was a characteristic of the site's surroundings during its function. The large-scale exploitation of the wild animals is a trait of the multi-stratified sites (tells) of the late Neolithic, reflecting a complex social organization . It seems that the faunal results from Uivar could be pretty well correlated with those of the Tisza sites, especially in terms of the large proportion of game, the modest share of pigs and to some extent that of small ruminants. Cattle seem to have a much smaller share in the local communities economy. Obviously there are also dissimilarities due to local and regional particularities, the ways of approaching the faunal samples, the size of the lots and so on.
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On this occasion we chose to publish some socketed axes, that were discovered in the Romanian Banat, but without an archaeological context, pieces that can be included in that broader category of "isolated/singular" objects. For the piece from Anina (Pl. I.1.) we did not find any satisfactory analogy in terms of shape and ornament taken together. According to its general appearance, however, socketed axe is undoubtedly a product of the Late Bronze Age, and it is not possible to specify exactly whether it can be dated to the Late Bronze Age II stage (Bz C/2D - early Ha A1 phase) or Late Bronze Age III (Ha A). A possible analogy for the socketed axe from Butin (Pl. I.2.) is a piece from the hoard in Novi Bečej (Vojvodina, Serbia), but the edge is a bit wider, or a socketed axe from the hoard in Urovica also in Serbia. Much closer in shape and ornament is a socketed axe from the Szentgáloskér hoard in southern Hungary. Both hoards were dated to stage Ha A, so a late Bronze Age III. For the decoration on the socketed axe from Carani (Pl. II.1.) we did not find any satisfactory analogy. However, it is certain that this piece is also a product of the Late Bronze Age, without being able to make more precise chronological assessments. We thus propose a broad classification: Late Bronze II (Bz C/2D - beginning of phase Ha A1) - Late Bronze III (Ha A). The analogies for the socketed axe from Foeni (Pl. II.2.) are found mainly to the west of the Carpathian Basin and chronologically cover the wide horizon of the Late Bronze Age II (Bz C/2D - early phase Ha A1) and Late Bronze III (Ha A) periods, with a greater concentration in the so-called Kurd horizons after A. Mozsolics and Cincu-Suseni after M. Rusu and M. Petrescu-Dâmbovița.
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In the collection of the Highland Banat Museum from Reșița, we can find a special artefact with the inventory number 34614, discovered in one of the Roman forts, from Banat region. It is a Roman shackle, found in the Roman fort of Vărădia Chilii, in 2006. From a typological point of view, the specimen found here, is certainly a shackle from the Roman period, which belongs to type 4 in W.H. Manning and to the type known as Kunzing in F. H. Thompson. It is part of a series of rather rare artefacts in the Empire, illustrated in Dacia by the discoveries made in the forts from Călugăreni, Buciumi, Ilișua, Mehadia and Bologa as well as in the research carried out in the military vicus from Porolissum, and also in the Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa mithraeum. From the context, it is clear that the artifact was used by the military trops stationed here to secure prisoners of war or even non-submissive individuals from inside the military and can be dated to the beginning of the second century, between the conquest of Dacia and the years 117-118 AD. Furthermore, based on the fairly large inner diameter, it appears that the shackle found in Vărădia, fixed the feet and it is called fetter.
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This study presents the 5th century shield bosses types known from the material of burials in the Carpathian Basin and their development. A wide range of objects spread throughout the area during the late Roman Imperial and the early migration periods (Type of Dobrodzień/Zieling T-Varianten, Csongrad/Zieling L, Misery/Zieling H1, Vermand, Horgos/Libenau; Kiszombor). It is typical that the graves in which shields were placed are known mainly from the eastern part of the Carpathian Basin (we do not know any such burials from Transdanubia). Among the conical shield bosses, specimens ending in a spike also appear during the middle third of the 5th century, evoking earlier forms (ancient Germanic traditions). Unfortunately, previous research has often classified certain types into one type based only on similar characteristics (form of the cone). In the present writing, in order to avoid this, I tried to separate the pieces previously classificed only for the Horgos/Libenau type. In the case of the latest pieces (second half and end of the 5th century), the spike should be hammered (Grave Kiszombor-B 308). In the latest pieces, which appear in the earliest graves of the row-grave cemeteries, the spike was hammered. At the end of the 5th century, pieces of Merovingian culture known in the west appear, which spread very rapidly in the area and in the local material of row-grave cemeteries.
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During the Roman Empire period, the ruler was venerated in many ways. Prostration, proskynesis, referring to the emperor as dominus; adoratio purpurae; manus velatae; observing the ritual silence; and other rituals were supposed to strengthen the emperor’s authority. During the period of Dominate, the Roman freedom was replaced by etiquette at the imperial court. This article discusses only two examples of veneration of the ruler in the Roman Empire period, namely manus velatae and silentiarii. The manus velatae ritual consisted of giving hands covered with a cloth to the ruler and receiving objects from him in such hands. The gesture had already been encountered in many ancient cultures, such as Persian or Greek. What rarely occurred in Rome, as e.g. confirmed by Titus Livius in his History of Rome regarding the Numa period, became part of the court’s etiquette in Byzantine Rome. When, initially, hygienic and magical factors affected the development of the ritual, during the Dominate it was associated with largitio, namely the giving of gifts by the ruler as well as elements of mystery, submission and sanctification.
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This paper takes an effort to present views of Roman law professor Borys Łapicki on the concept and meaning of liberty and dignity in ancient Rome. He saw close relation between these two ideas and he was trying to prove its social character. Borys Łapicki pointed out resulting that kind of connections from the role of ethics in development of ancient Roman law. However, applying the Marxist method in science was also using in some of his books. Despite of criticisms in relation to Borys Łapicki’s works, his contribiution to research on Roman law should be appreciated. He was both scientist and humanist and he tried to pay attention to ethic component in the Roman law and this makes his ideas of liberty and dignity universal. It forms part of the concept of romanesimo which is understanding the Roman law as an important part of achievement European civilization and some kind of appropriate role model of legal culture.
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In ancient Rome, slaves performed many different tasks. The fact that they often enjoyed the trust of their owners and knew their secrets made them very desirable witnesses in a criminal trial. The aim of the article is to show examples of situations in which the testimony of slaves in a criminal trial could be dangerous for their owners. Slaves were subject to obligatory torture, so they could reveal some secrets against their will. However, there was a ban on the use of slaves’ testimonies against their owners. Roman law, still, knew a few exceptions to this, in matters justified by the interests of Rome. The article shows also the changes made during the Principate, when the statutory law regulating this issue appeared.
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Public slaves were a special group of slaves. As a rule, their legal situation was analogous to private slaves. Hence, there are relatively few preserved sources of law regarding this slave group. There are relatively few Romanist studies regarding the legal situation of public slaves. A larger number of these studies appeared only in the second half of the 20th century. The subject of this study is to compare the legal and social status of both groups of slaves. The purpose is to show a different application of legal provisions depending on their suitability for public matters and the education of public slaves.
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In the history of Polish Romanist studies in the period of the Polish People’s Republic, Borys Łapicki attracts considerable attention due to his controversial monograph Legal Views of Slaves and Roman Proletarians from 1955. It seems that the work is not quite rightly treated as a breach in the career of the Romanist from Lodz. Reasons for this uniqueness are usually sought in a complicated biography of the author which is treated as a kind of a “sign of the times”. Meanwhile, reviews of the work published right after it had been issued unequivocally showed that the dogmatic Marxism was in a way assessed as an adaptation by Łapicki, trying to reconcile it with the ideas of solidarism he had long accepted and belief in ethical values of the Roman law. Loyalty to these ideas made this amalgam of barely reconcilable concepts (class struggle in the light of harmony based on freedom and brotherhood) impossible to be accepted. It seems that this eclectic formula was never imposed by anyone on Łapicki – it was not a manifestation of the author’s conformism or opportunism. Despite very severe criticism, he did not abandon it even in the times when historical materialism left the dogmatic phase of its development. This article is a case study – a contribution to the studies on a broader problem of identity and attitude of Polish Romanists in the period of Stalinism.
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This article aims to analyse canon 5 of the Synod of Elvira (beginning of the 4th century) taking into account the norms of Roman law concerning the legal protection of slaves. This canon provided for the punishment of repentance and a prohibition of giving Eucharistic Communion to a woman who, in anger caused by jealousy, caused the death of her slave as a result of whipping. It was probably adopted based on a certain, particularly shocking matter, perhaps related to the intimate life between the master and her slave. The content of the canon suggests that the person responsible for its editing was familiar with Roman law, including probably in particular Emperor Hadrian’s rescripts – especially those addressed to the Governor of Baetica, where Elvira was located. The canon provided slaves with a wider scope of protection than the norms of Roman law did, both those in force at the time of its release and later introduced by Emperor Constantine the Great. It was also an expression of the generally discernible attitude of Christian communities towards the institutions of slavery. On the one hand, the existence of slavery was accepted and, on the other hand, there were efforts to improve the situation of slaves, especially if they were Christians.
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The article is aimed at answering the question about the scope of the subjectivity of slaves in Roman public criminal law. Especially in cases of crimes committed against slaves, there was a situation in which the slave, as a victim, was granted the attribute of legal subjectivity and was subject to legal protection as a human being (persona) by the Roman state. This protection, present in many aspects of the punitive policy of the Roman state, was particularly visible in the regulations that prohibited the killing of slaves, abuse of slaves, assignment to castration, gladiatorial fights or prostitution. The legal protection of slaves, and thus their empowerment in public criminal law, was based on the Roman utilitas publica, but also the emerging humanitarian tendencies in imperial law.
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In this paper, the author presents the history of the Jewish diaspora in the period of 721 BC to 70 AD. There were both voluntary and involuntary diasporas. The author mentions the following diasporas from that period of time: the Assyrian, Babylonian, Egyptian and Roman diasporas.
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The purpose of the article is to present the legal situation of a slave under Roman criminal law. The analysis conducted proves that the approach towards slaves changed along with the transformation of the government system of ancient Rome. In the Period of the Republic, criminal liability of slaves evolved in two directions. The dominica potestas was exercised by owners, as well as the collegial body – tresviri capitales. From the Principate period, Roman jurists were convinced that the legal status of a slave and a free person was identical under criminal law. The difference between these offenders was non-exercise of leges criminales with a penalty that would be inadequate for their legal status, or ruling and exercising of more severe penalties against slaves.
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The dissonance between the perception of edictum de iniuriis quae servis fiunt on Ulpian’s and Gaius’ part is so significant that it can lead to a conclusion that a deed done to a slave – even if not always, what seems the most probable, certainly in most cases – qualified only as an insult harming the slave’s owner, whereas a would-be actio servi nomine was de facto not in use. As an infringement of a slave could additionally give rise to an owner’s entitlement to plead for damages according to the Aquilian regime, it seems that practical use of the edictal clause with regard to actio servi nomine, even if possible to take place at a certain level of legal development of the delict, was of minor importance. However, recognizing the main role of the edict in providing a modern and flexible basis for bringing praetorial actio iniuriarum suo nomine in a case of iniuria suffered through one’s slave, not limited to decemviral instances of os fractum and membrum ruptum, appears to be the most probable interpretation.
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This study is an attempt at presenting the evolution of the successive sovereigns of the Roman Empire and their administration’s outlook on Christians. The paper’s aim is also to show public opinion of Christians – both the reaction of pagan crowds and the contemporary social and scientific elites to the new religion. The chronological range of the study is marked by two of the great persecutions: the persecution provoked by Nero, the Emperor in 64 and the massacre in Gaul at the time of Marcus Aurelius’ rule. The spatial range relates to the Roman Empire’s territory at that time. Source books and the basic subject’s literature were used in the article.
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