Cîteva precizări în legătură cu neoliticul tîrziu din Muntenia și Oltenia
In this paper, the author makes a comparative analysis of the cultures of Gumelniţa and Sălcuţa, in order to clarify their fundamentally different character
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In this paper, the author makes a comparative analysis of the cultures of Gumelniţa and Sălcuţa, in order to clarify their fundamentally different character
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The communication includes a description of the undersea relief of the Constantza area, where the sea water has covered important ancient vestiges, thanks to the raising of the level and to the erosion produced by the waves
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he author presents the results obtained by the Bacău History Museum concerning the local daco-carpic population, after the study of necropolises: Bărboasa-Gălăneşti, with 291 tombs; Sohodor with 38 tombs; Săuceşti with 26 tombs; Bacău-Holt with 2 tombs and Răcătău with 2 tombs.
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hronologically, the agglomeration of Radovanu belongs to the second half of the sixth century and the following century until the sixties. It was inhabited by a mixed Slavo-autochthonous population.
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The text Dumuzi and Geštinanna belongs to the problematic group of Sumerian narratives. A possible explanation for the unusual formulations in the text might be the attempt of an ancient scribe to comment on the problems of the stories of the god Dumuzi, which was adjusted to the form of the narrative text. The „author” summarized theological questions in an implicit way, with hermeneutical techniques. The special use of cuneiform signs is one such example applied to refer to the nature of Dumuzi. Also, many other formulas appear in the text, which intertextually allude to the relationship of Dumuzi, the king, and Inana.
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On the basis of the analysis in the new Hyperides testimony (Against the Emissaries of Antipater) published by Kilian Fleischer (ZPE 207 [2018] 21–38), this paper updates biographical and historical data using historical-philological arguments. The report of Ps. Plutarch (Vitae X Or. 850A) must evidently be interpreted to the effect that on Rhodes, in 341 BC, Hyperides spoke in favour of a prospective alliance with Athens, countering the emissaries of Antipater. In addition, the new fragment can be connected to a speech delivered in Athens towards the end of the 330s BC as it harmonizes well with other, similar speeches made by Hyperides against pro-Macedonian statesmen.
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This paper examines the circulation of Ptolemaic silver in the closed monetary zone of Seleucid Coele Syria and Phoenicia. No new silver coinage entered the zone under Antiochus III and Seleucus IV, though hoards were deposited in the Transjordan and eastern Judah in the early years of Antiochus IV. Trade between Phoenicia and Egypt is excluded as an explanatory factor, but the patterns are consistent with Josephus’ account of the dowry of Cleopatra I and Tobiad tax farming. In the 160s BCE fresh Ptolemaic silver began to enter the closed monetary zone, with the earliest finds in Judah, Samaria, and “southern Palestine.” This new influx, like the didrachms “of an uncertain era,” may represent a subsidy from Ptolemy VI to the Maccabees and other dissidents from Seleucid rule.
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This article examines the motifs on the coins struck in Judaea under the auspices of local Roman governors (prefects and procurators) between the dismissal of the ethnarch, Herod Archelaus, in 6 CE and the eve of the First Jewish Revolt which broke out in 66 CE. Although the governors were only designated by the title procurator from the mid-first century onwards, this series of coins is conventionally referred to as “procuratorial.” All are bronzes minted in Jerusalem in a single denomination, generally identified as the prutah, and bear aniconic motifs. Because they carry year dates, we know that these coins were issued fairly sporadically and the possible reasons for this are reviewed. The coin types are analysed and their respective origins and meanings identified. An attempt is made to assess the extent to which their motifs support the picture presented in the literary sources of the changing political climate in both in Judaea and Rome over the period in which these coins were minted.
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The monumental burial complex known as the “Tombs of the Kings” is regarded by scholars as the burial plot of Queen Helena of Adiabene and her family, who lived in Jerusalem in the firstcentury CE. In this paper we reconsider the original purpose of the two large ritual baths in the burial compound, based on the location of the site relative to its surroundings. The scholarship assumes that ritual baths situated next to tombs were intended for use by participants in funerals or memorial ceremonies. In this paper we suggest that in the case of the Tombs of the Kings, the adjacent baths were meant for purificationof pilgrims en route to Jerusalem, as can be understood from their geographical location.
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This paper suggests to locate the training ground (campus) of the legio X Fretensis in the shallow valley north of the Damascus Gate, perhaps where once the siege camp of Titus was built. Topographically it is the most level ground around Jerusalem, hence fitting for a campus. Furthermore, the area was devoid of structures between 70 CE and the 4th century, except for two monuments erected by legionary forces and dedicated to the emperors: one monument definitely dedicated to Hadrian (upon his visit) and the other either to Hadrian or less likely to Antoninus Pius. Positioning the campus in this area neatly explains why it was empty for centuries and why the cemetery of Aelia Capitolina was pushed north of the line of the “Third Wall”.
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From numismatic findings and recent excavations in the Old City of Jerusalem it emerges that the preparatory work on Aelia Capitolina started at the very beginning of Hadrian’ reign, most probably in the 120s, more than a decade before the Bar Kokhba war. The question then arises as how it happened that Eusebius mentions the founding of this colony as a consequence of the war. The answer lies both in the source he depends upon, possibly Ariston of Pella, and also in Eusebius’ own conception of Jewish history.
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The colonia Aelia Capitolina, founded by Hadrian instead of Jerusalem, was certainly established only after summer 130, as a letter of the emperor to Hierapolis shows, which was written at this time in Jerusalem. One can conjecture who was settled in the colonia at that time, but concrete evidence is hardly to be found in the epigraphic tradition. The territory of the colonia might have been quite large, but cannot be determined in detail. The Roman character of the new city is most evident in the inscriptions, the vast majority of which are written in Latin. The name Aelia is still used for the city well into the Christian era.
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This note examines again the overall significance of Jerusalem within the Bar Kokhba revolt. It does so firstly by suggesting a better way to read our texts: Cassius Dio (69.12.1–4) wrote in a partially thematic way, and Eusebius (HE 4.6.1–4) merged several sources together, so that there is no real difference between the two texts in terms of the sequence of the revolt and the establishment of the colony Aelia Capitolina. Secondly, the examination of other sources, different types of evidence and several traditions, may suggest that the Roman reconstruction works in the city did not finish before the revolt, but in fact were halted by it, even without assuming that the rebels actually controlled Jerusalem.
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In the third year of his fight against Rome (134/135 CE), Bar Kokhba minted coins with the slogan “leḥerut Yerushalayim: For the freedom of Jerusalem”. In this paper, I argue that what was meant by this expression was not the geographic place but a powerful idea: the worship center of the Jewish identity. Jerusalem as a slogan seems to be a metonymy for the temple, and the temple was the link between God and the Jews. By proclaiming the necessity to liberate Jerusalem, Bar Kokhba actually tried to regroup all the Jews under his banner, exploiting the theocratic ideals and the eschatological hopes of the time. However, the documents found in the desert reveal that this propagandist expectancy was not universally shared by his own troops. For the political needs of the leader, “Jerusalem” was probably the best slogan possible, but it appears to have meant little in real life, even perhaps in the eyes of Bar Kokhba himself.
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Road communication over the centuries has great significance for the development of cities. Of particular importance for the safety of people and goods transported through the roads are the road stations, which played the role of checkpoints for road protection. In our text, we will try to give a contribution to the study of the ancient road communication in the Republic of Macedonia, for the Astibo-Visianum route, which has not yet been processed.
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