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4.50 €

O nekim aspektima obrazovno-odgojne politike Narodnooslobodilačkog pokreta na području Bosne i Hercegovine (1941-1945)

Author(s): Azem Kožar / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

The educative and pedagogical politics of National-Liberation Movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina (as a part of Yugoslovenian Movement initiated and run by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia) in a period 1941-1945, was based on the idea of National-Liberation Movement, that included: equality, brotherhood and unity of its peoples, established on a secular atheistic basis. When compared to the pre-war monarchically Yugoslavian politics, particulary the educative and pedagogical politics of the Independent country of Croatia that was simultaneously implemanted in the unliberated teritory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, it was a radical new turning point. However because of the war-winnibg euphoria it attached too much importance to the role and aims of National-Liberation Movement, as well as to the tole of the Party and personality. Its attitude towards orther issuses from far and near past of Bosnia and Herzegovina was very superficial. These and other characteristics, mostly obtained from the experience of the Soviet Union, bacame prominent in history lessons. Not even the after-war (socialistic) educative and pedagogical politics managed to get rid of the inherited deficiencies from the ear until the beginning of 1980s. Then the new curricula of history issues were formed as a result of a gradual process of releasing Bosnian historiography from the shackles of politics and ideology.

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Umjesto predgovora

Author(s): Jasna Turkalj,Zlatko Matijević,Stjepan Matković / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Nakon sloma političkih ideja koje su iznjedrile revolucionarna gibanja 1848./49. u zemljama je Habsburške Monarhije uveden režim neoapsolutizma, kojim je car i kralj Franjo Josip I., između ostaloga, kaznio buntovne Mađare, a “nagradio” sebi odane Hrvate. U neoapsolutističkom razdoblju, poznatome i kao Bachov apsolutizam, koje je potrajalo gotovo punih deset godina, mogu se pronaći početci pravaštva.

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Jedan pogled na gospodarsku aktivnost pravaških vođa od 1861. do 1914. godine

Author(s): Mira Kolar-Dimitrijević / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Rightist economic activity changed from case to case; it was strongly influenced by the regulations of the Croat-Hungarian Agreement of 1868. The article divides the economic management of the Party of Right into three time periods: 1. 1861-1871. Kvaternik writes his well known work Hrvatski glavničar (Croatian Capitalist) which points to the necessity of creating domestic capital and stimulating its growth with a stock exchange. His ideas did not find fertile ground because the members of the party did not recognize their importance. 2. 1878-1894 Following the quiet that descended upon Rightist ranks after the Rakovica uprising of 1871, the party activists returned to the political stage in 1878. Until 1890, F. Folnegović was the most important individual in the party concerned with economic matters. His efforts enabled the publication of official party organs and the construction of the Starčević Dom (Starčević House). 3. 1895-1914 In 1890, J. Frank joined the Party of Right. Even though he never established a particular economic programme for strengthening the Pure Party of Right, he can largely be credited for the fact that the coffers of the Party began to receive important contributions which he invested into party activities, but which he also used to initiate the development of industry and banking (for e.g., “Danica” in Koprivnica). During the term of P. Rauch as Ban, work was begun on establishing a Department of Economy for the Land Government, which in 1914 resulted in the creation of the fourth branch of this government, the Department of National Economy, which, even if it came too late, changed the very nature of the Croat-Hungarian Agreement.

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Kad pravaši pođu različitim putovima: Frano Supilo i Josip Frank o “novom kursu”

Author(s): Jure Krišto / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The duality of Croatian political ideology, which in its most important aspects remains today, dates back to the 19th century. This duality did not develop into overt antagonism while the members of the National Party and the adherents of Starčević represented the opposing sides, but the antagonism becomes very apparent – and consequently fateful – from the time of the various fissures in the Rightist ranks. The antagonism in Croatian political ideology can be illustrated by comparing the ideological positions and political programmes of F. Supilo, a former Rightist, and J. Frank, a consistent, even if a somewhat radicalized and calculating Rightist. Their personal clash and the opposing quality of their respective ideologies culminated in the context of the promulgation of the Rijeka Resolution and the creation of the Croato-Serb Coalition. This review article begins by outlining the situation on the Croatian political scene in order to emphasize the unique quality of the political and ideological clash between Supilo and Frank. The next part of the review takes a look at their direct confrontation in the news reporting around the politics of the “New Course” and the Rijeka Resolution. The article ends by presenting some conclusions which should help in understanding Croatian political and ideological antagonisms in the era that followed and which are still apparent today.

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Pravaš i svećenik – skica za portret Jurja Tomca

Author(s): Ivica Miškulin / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Juraj Tomac (1866-1930), a Catholic priest and Rightist, is an example of “a man from humble origins” who played an important part in the political life of the Croatian nation in the period from the end of the 19th century through the first half of the 20th century. He was an individual who combined within himself a belief in the Catholic Church and a great dedication to the struggle of the Croat people for independence. This article describes Tomac’s contribution to State Right ideology generally, as well as his relationship to the leaders of the various fractions of the Party of Right (A. Starčević, M. Starčević, J. Frank, etc.). Because of his political activities, Tomac was constantly in conflict with the ruling authorities, first with those of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and later with those of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, which led on two occasions to his incarceration. Tomac’s activities did not receive a great deal of support from his superiors in the Catholic hierarchy either, so he was often forced to move and change positions. As a convinced Rightist, he was often in conflict with adherents of Radić’s peasant movement. Despite all tribulations, Tomac remained committed to his political beliefs until the end of his life.

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Hrvatska stranka prava 1990. godine: obnova, djelovanje i uzroci raskola

Author(s): Goran Ante Blažeković / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

With the coming of democratic elections in 1990, Croats of Rightist political orientation believed that is was necessary to renew the Croatian Party of Right (Hrvatska Stranka Prava – HSP) as the oldest Croatian party. It was originally founded in 1881 by Dr. A. Starčević and E. Kvaternik, but was banned after the royal dictatorship was proclaimed on 6 January 1929. They felt that the Party of Right in Starčević’s time was well ahead of its time, but that due to its ideology based on Croatian state right and statehood, was indeed more than necessary and modern. On 25 February 1990, at the Reform Congress held at no. 23 Jurevska Street in Zagreb, twelve Rightists renewed the HSP, reintroducing it to the Croatian political stage. The HSP was at the time the only party in Croatia which in its programme did not mention the as of yet internationally recognized Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia; it also spoke of Croatian right to the whole of its historical and ethnic territory. It was too late for the HSP to stand independently in the elections of April 1990, but nonetheless the party stood with the Croatian democratic block, instead of the rather dubious Coalition of National Understanding. As well, the party worked enthusiastically in Croatian political life through its party paper “Croatian Right.” The restorers of the HSP had good intentions when they chose a president for the party who lived abroad (in the U.S.). When the president of the party, D. Paraga, returned to Croatia in August 1990, a number of developments took place which brought about a split in the party ranks. After overcoming this internal crisis, the HSP survived on the Croatian political scene and went on to assume a leading role among Croatian political parties.

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Počinje li 1945. zapravo 1917.? – Historikerstreit

Author(s): Tihomir Cipek / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

In recognition of the 1986 debate termed the ≪Historikerstreit,≫ an attempt will be made to analyze and discuss the thesis of the German historian Ernst Nolte, wherein the Bolshevik revolution of 1917 is seen as directly responsible for the emergence of Nazism and the Second World War, and its consequences in 1945. The article will show all the relevant points in the debate with emphasis paid to the conclusions of Ernst Nolte, Andreas Hillgruber, Jurgen Habermas, Ernst Jackel and Stefan Merl. The debate was conducted around three questions: first, did Nazi concentration camps represent a unique crime which cannot be compared to any other mass crime in history, or, should they be compared to the Bolshevik Gulags. Second, should Hitler≪s invasion of the USSR be interpreted as preventative defense or as a racially motivated war. Third, can the fierce defense the Germans put up against the Red Army in 1945 be interpreted as a defense of the concentration camps or as a patriotic act, that is to say, can we describe the Soviet invasion of Germany in 1945 as a liberation? This review and analysis of the 1986 debate among German historians is seen as an interpretation of the ties between communist and Nazi totalitarianism, the notion of ≪revisionism≫ in historical sciences, and the influence of historiography on the formation of democratic political culture. The debate demonstrated the unavoidable political function of historical scholarship which creates differing interpretations of the same events from the past and sheds light on important methodological terms of reference in historiography. The author concluded that 1945 did not begin in 1917; while Bolshevik terror may precede Nazi terror chronologically, it does not do so causally.

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Uloga Ozne u preuzimanju vlasti u Hrvatskoj 1945.

Author(s): Zdenko Radelić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

This paper analyzes the work of the Odjeljenje za zaštitu naroda (OZN – Department of National Defense), the information and intelligence service of the Yugoslavian Armed Forces under the leadership and full control of the Communist Party, in the takeover of government after the conquest of designated areas in the territory of Croatia, especially the larger cities. In the period which preceded the takeover of government, the OZN placed the greatest emphasis on the collection of information about the condition of its enemies and potential opponents, the assignments of the most important officers of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) and the Ustaša organization, the members of the Croat Peasant Party (HSS) and other political parties, the supporters of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and collaborators of the Third Reich, as well as the disposition of units of the NDH and the Third Reich. It especially monitored the disposition of units in cities, their streets and buildings and plans of defense. One section of the OZN produced a file listing those who were to be arrested and have their property seized. In cooperation with other state institutions of Federal Croatia, it elaborated plans for the operation of state and municipal bodies and productive and service organizations, in order to ensure the uninterrupted flow of daily life. At the end of the war and during the consolidation of the new government, the most attention was paid to the HSS and the Intelligence Service of Great Britain. The work is based on the reports of the OZN, which are held at the Croatian State Archive.

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Politika kulture, ideologijsko mapiranje , zasjeci

Author(s): Biljana Kašić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The author analyzes cultural changes that took place during the socialist period in Croatia – in the context of Yugoslavia as it was at the time, especially from 1945 to 1952. In this regard, she attempted to sketch out certain questions and cultural conflicts which were operative in the ideological framework of the time, such as partymindedness, that is to say revolutionary tendencies in culture as the public characteristic of culture. Party-mindedness is demonstrated by execution of the ≪strict dictate of the party line≫; the criteria of truth and progress, or meta-aesthetic criteria, were characterized by ≪specific≫ knowledge, ideology, creativity. The purpose of party-mindedness was not only to bring ideology to its fulfillment, but its partiality was demanded, and the goal of the communist party in power was to implement its muli-layered ideology in practice, or purely in terms of intent. Often the party political principle was incompatible with totalitarian methods. The author thus relied on a few basic points of opposition within Croatian political culture and culture generally. The author looked at three paradigmatic examples: the symbolic structure of South Slav unity, the relationship to tradition, and the orientation to cultural thought in Europe, contained within the metaphorical saying ≪suspicious west≫.

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Poslijeratni komunistički sustav i javno ponašanje

Author(s): Ljubomir Antić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The author directs his attention at the public behaviour of individuals and groups within the context of the totalitarian communist system of Socialist Yugoslavia. In imitation of the Soviet system, the postwar communist regime in Yugoslavia had as its goal the total control and direction of society and individuals. Proceeding uncompromisinly it killed every hope of the possibility of change. Constructing a closed society, the system did not create the opportunity for choice. From the middle of 1945, those who did not accept a totalitarian Yugoslavian government as their own, in order to survive, had to adapt. The most common form was to act under false pretenses: individuals kept their own convictions to themselves, but out of oportunism they presented themselves in public according to the demands of the ≪new times.≫ The new situation was especially reflected in family life. Double upbringing: private at home and public in kindergarten and school, was a common occurence in this era. Religion, but also spirituality in general, were relegated to family and church (sacristy). Artists were especially challenged to conform to the official style – socialist realism. Public manners and style came under the powerful influence of the ruling ideology. Official unidimensional reality fell upon human spirits like a uniform grayness. People lived in the same gray apartment blocks in identical apartments. The village too had to accept on uniformity. In creating the new man, weak as he was, the citizen had to surrender to the subject, and the integral person to the homo duplex, or the man without a chest.

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Ideologijska rekonstrukcija hrvatskog antifašizma : primjer Istre

Author(s): Darko Dukovski / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Antifascism in Istria is a complex historical and political phenomenon which carries within itself various social, national, cultural and political motives. It is not ideogically and politically, nor socially and nationally, unique. It was not a unique movement, not even among a group of politically active citizens. From its origins at the beginning of the 1920s, it contained a wide panoply of motives, aims and social supporters. Antifascism in Istria was at the same time urban and rural, Italian and Croatian-Slovenian, clerical and atheist, anti-communist and pro-communist. In such variety antifascism appears in Istria almost at the same time as the establishment of the first fascist organizations. It appeared first of all in opposition to fascist violence, and afterward as opposition to the violent national assimilation of Istrian Croats as well as opposition to social and class oppression. Its motives and activities overlap and achieve fuller expression. Even in the two greatest instances of armed antifascist uprising that occurred in the prewar era, the Republic of Labin and the revolt in Proština, both in 1921, these components are interwoven. It can be concluded that Istrian antifascist resistance was a constant which appeared relatively early, before fascism came to power, in rather varied forms and among various social, national and political factors which would significantly influence the political life of interwar Istria, but also the period of the war in which the most important social and politcal turning point occurred. Croatian antifascism was especially united during World War Two and despite minor disturbances remained committed to the same course of struggle against fascism and promotion of national unification and liberation. It was only after the liberation that it split along the lines of reaction to the communist (Bolshevik) system and the issue of relations with the Catholic Church.

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Između kralja, poglavnika i maršala

Author(s): Tvrtko Jakovina / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The author attempts to situate that watershed year that concluded the Second World War in the context of world history and show what it meant for the development of Croatia and Yugoslavia. He focusses on the relations among the Allies regarding the disagreement concerning Tito, especially the plans from the end of 1943 to the beginning of 1944 in which Ivan Šubašić was to be inserted in Croatian territory in order to influence Croat Peasant Party sympathizers to transfer their allegiance to the ≪Partisan flag≫, as recorded in the documents of the British Foreign Office. From 1944, Ivan Šubašić was the key element in the British and American governments≫ attempt to decommunize the character of Josip Broz’s Partisan movement and ensure a multiparty, democratic and federal consitutional monarchy in Yugoslavia. Josip Broz Tito determined matters on the ground; he was unwilling to accept the decisions made between Moscow and London, or those in Yalta, although he was not entirely negative. In addition, the author points out the Soviet strategy for the gradual communization of Eastern Europe, as well as the American consent to Moscow obtaining a security zone along the borders of the USSR, and how this pertains to the circumstances in Yugoslavia. The relations within the Independent State of Croatia and the relations of Hitler and Pavelić were unimportant to the political solution of Croatia’s or Yugoslavia’s future.

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Politika komunističkog režima u Jugoslaviji prema vjerskim zajednicama 1945. godine

Author(s): Miroslav Akmadža / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

During 1945 important changes in the status o religious communities occurred, first in the territories under Partisan control, and after the conclusion of the war, in the whole territory of the newly established communist state of Yugoslavia. Compared to the previous regime, the policy of the communist government toward religious communities changed in important ways, which resulted in distrust among religious communities toward the new leadership. Fear of the new regime’s policies as far as religion and religious communities were concerned was quickly realized, as it set about making a harsh account of the leaders of the most numerous religious communities, along with the clergy in general.

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Saveznički izbjeglički logori počeci otpora hrvatske političke emigracije komunističkom režimu u domovini / logor Fermo/

Author(s): Berislav Jandrić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

After the collapse of the Independent State of Croatia and the unsuccessful surrender to the Allies at Bleiburg, many Croats found safe shelter in the Allied refugee camps in Austria, Italy, Germany, and so on. After getting over the initial period of shock, the Croatian political emigration began to organize, drawing up plans to take action to bring down the communist regime in the homeland and reestablish the Independent State. Camp Fermo in Italy, even if by land the furthest distance from the homeland, was the center which held the greatest number of Croatian intellectuals, emigrants, and also individuals of other social classes who were the first proponents and organizers of opposition to the existing communist regime in Yugoslavia.

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Izvještaji Zemaljske komisije za utvrđivanje zločina okupatora i njihovih pomagača na području Bjelovara od 1944. do 1947. godine

Author(s): Martina Grahek Ravančić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The Moscow Conference at which the Decree concering war crimes was tabled, as well as the creation of the International Commission for War Crimes, spurred the establishment of the State Commission for the Confirmation of the crimes of the Occupiers and their assistants on 20 October 1943 in London. Its mandate was to control the work of the National Commissions. This article is based on archival materials which analyze the organization and activity of the National Commission for the Confirmation of the crimes of the Occupiers and Collaborators in the environs of Bjelovar in the period from 1944 to 1947. The documents collected attempt to establish the crimes committed against Serbs, Jews, Roma and other individuals from the environs of Bjelovar during the time of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH). Many functionaries of the NDH regime and members of judicial institutions are named as perpetrators responsible for the crimes.

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Писателите и властта през шестдесетте години в Унгария

Author(s): András Veres / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

This chapter about the Hungarian revolution in 1956 and the position of the authors then - aout the major changes not only of the institutions but of the thinking, the literary life and how the revolution made the once strong authority shake. This were times of change when the communist-reformer writers were no longer regarded and even were attacked in the press, many authors were "silent" and even emigrated.

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За "Безсъдбовност" - двадесет години по-късно

Author(s): Ágnes Heller / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

"Fateless" by Imre Kertesz is a book that is discovering to the readers how Hungary was affected by the Holocaust. The information in the book is based on saved documents of that period, which adds historical realism to the described dark times. The author of the article, Agnes Heller, is analyzing the book in depth and makes comparisons with other works concerning the Holocaust.

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Приносът на генерал Георги Взов за историческата география и мемоаристиката

Author(s): Roumyana Choukova / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

This paper is a historiographical analysis of Gen. Georgi Vazov's memoire-cum-travellogue titled 'In the Deserts of Central Asia'. It pinpoints the exceedingly valuable information about the history, the ethnic and religious identity of the region and mainly the Russian colonial penetration in Central Asia, the geopolitical relations between the two powers dominant in the region - Russia and the British Empire, and the dynamics of the borders, among others. It also follows the untraditinal approach of the military campaigns as a civilizational phenomenon expanding the outlook and the historical truthfulness of the nation. Parallels are sought between the linguistic and religious identity of Turkmens, Kalmyks, and Tajiks with first-hand tales about the distant ancient land of Bulgarians. Last, but not least, it comments on the participation of the general in the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway. In conclusion, the paper speaks of Gen. Vazov's contribution to the treasury of Bulgarian historical geography and memoiristics.

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Леврентий Павлович Бериа - технократ и реформатор

Author(s): Boiko Belegov / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

Joseph Stalin died on 05.03.1953. The lack of legitimate mechanisms for the transfer of power caused a continuous crisis related to a heated struggle for his heritage. The fate of the country fell into the hands of the people who were Stalin's closest associates. The most powerful positions were held by G. Malenkov, L. Beria and Nikita Khrushchev. Having abundant information about the situation in the country and heading the Interior Ministry of the USSR, Beria concentrated enormous power in his hands. He, however, had no intention of fighting any of Stalin's "heirs". Beria realized that the established collective leadership, in which there was a certain system of equality, was the most favourable for the implementation of the reforms he had devised. The new documents published from the declassified archives reveal that he became actively involved in both domestic and foreign policy. Beria's reformist activity was doomed from the very beginning. His activity and unpredictability at the solution of the tasks set forth made him a deadly dangerous competition in the eyes of Malenkov, Khrushchev and the other loyal associates of Stalin. The factor that united them was the fear of the "man with the pince-nez". He knew too much about them. The practice from previous years showed them that the most convenient way in which they could dispose of the dangerous adversary was his complete discreditation before the party and the people, and his physical removal.

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Християнското светоусещане в лириката на Атанас Далчев

Author(s): Kamen Rikev / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

This article focuses on the Christian interpretation of Atanas Dalchev's poetry, which would reveal not only to the abundance of religious images and motifs of the critical reviews of Dalchev's poetry in Bulgaria is offered, as well as a definition of Christian outlook in modern art and concrete works of Dalchev containing key Christian concepts.

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