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The article presents funeral rites of Muslims in Bulgaria during the period of socialism. The author held fieldwork in the region of Kubrat (Northern Bulgaria). Memories about official communist policies are explored in terms of atheistic assimilatory communist policies.
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Based on published and unpublished Ottoman documents, narrative sources and results from terrain researches of the author, an attempt is made to be followed the place and role of the mystical brotherhoods of heterodox Muslims in religious life and confessional relations in Rumeli during the 15th–16th centuries. On the basis of the local centers of religious life are outlined the correlations of these brotherhoods with the central authority and local population during the establishment of the Ottoman rule on the Balkans and in the new socio-political conditions and social atmosphere during 16th century. Special attention is paid to the role of the so-called uthraquistic (dual sanctuaries) in the confessional relations between Christians and Muslims in urban and rural patriarchal environment.
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The article analyses the contemporary role of the elderly in a village community through the lens of the local notions and practices related to “Islam“ and“communism“. These two ideological commitments can be found only among the elderly people. The members of the younger generations show respect but also stay at significant distance from religious practice. They unanimously consider communism as an ideology that is fading away. In spite of this lack of engagement, over the past three decades, the tensions between the local expressions of Islam and communism, as well as their numerous entanglements, have played a key role in shaping social relationships, moral reasoning and community cohesion in the village. The article is based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in a village located in the southern part of the central Rhodope Mountains.
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There is an increasing presence of female Muslim voices in both mainstream British media and minority or community media as greater access has enabled them to create spaces for themselves in print, broadcast and new media. In converging their gender and religious identities, they are generating new discourses that challenge widely held stereotypes and starting new conversations about what it means to be female, British and Muslim. Using interview data from five journalists and examples of media discourses, this paper shows how the articulation of gendered and religious identities is evidence of a growing confidence and continued agency among young Muslim women in the UK.
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Translation, as a cultural mediation, builds bridges between the Arab world and the outside world, particularly the west and continues to occupy a pivotal place in Arab society. Over the past two centuries, and since the establishment of the school of translation in Cairo in 1835, translation has been viewed as a vehicle of Nahda (progress) and Tanweer (enlightenment). Over the past two decades, however, translation in the Arab world has been radically transformed both at the practice and policy levels. The turn of the new millennium has brought about changes that have shaken the state of affairs and challenged old thinking and the ways of doing things. First, digital technology has changed the way things are done from work, play and study to the ways we socialise, shop and entertain ourselves. Second, a report on human development in the Arab world published in 2002 by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), revealed the unhealthy state of translation in most Arab countries. The paper examines the state of audiovisual study in Arabic and invites scholars to focus a lot more on their own local environment. It argues that a quarter of a century after the conference that launched the concept of AVT in Europe in 1995, the time has come for Arab academia to start developing its (own) theoretical frameworks for the localisation of audiovisual translation studies with the view of making translation studies not only relevant to society but also to play the role it was envisaged two centuries earlier.
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This article discusses the ways in which power-based socio-political shifts in Turkey during the AKP (Justice and Development Party) era transnationally influence the relations between and within the Muslim German Turkish communities and their organizations in Germany. Based on ethnographic fieldwork, archival research and reflexive discourse analysis, this article takes DITIB (The Turkish Islamic Union of Religious Affairs) in Germany, which is the affiliate organization of Diyanet (The Presidency of Religious Organization) in Turkey, and analyses its relations with other German Turkish organizations such as Milli Görüş (The Islamic Community of National Vision) and the Gülen Movement in Germany. Such analysis reveals the dynamics of competition between secular and religious, as well as intra-religious, actors and how their members claim their religious and socio-political rights beyond binaries.
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After the notorious persecution of its Khurasani protagonists, profiting from the political and ideological vacuum of the interregnum and the upsurge of the Shiite propaganda of the late 15th century, the Hurufi teaching penetrated Eastern and Central Anatolia, partly disguised under the tenets of different Batini indoctrinated groups, making these regions by the end of the century, its new stronghold. The main stage of the events became the Ottoman lands. Particularly in the years after the Ankara disaster of 1402, Asia Minor and the Balkans became a fertile soil for all unorthodox doctrines, especially those, like Hurufi one, nurturing apocalyptic or messianic expectations. Simultaneously, Persian and the Gurgani vernacular retreated before the Anatolian Turkish as its written medium. The paper concentrates on the exegetical attempts of the second generation of Fażl Allāh Astarābādī (d. 1394)’s disciples, in particular the first Turkish translations and commentaries on his seminal works.
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Review of: Hilmo Neimarlija - Enes Karić i Mustafa Spahić, NASUPROT ZLU : MUSLIMANSKE REZOLUCIJE IZ 1941. – ZAJEDNIČKA IZJAVA IZ 2015, Sarajevo: El-Kalem, 2019, 120 str. Fikret Karčić - David Motadel, ISLAM AND NAZI GERMANY’S WAR, Cambridge Mass., The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2014, 512 str. Enes Pelidija - Šerbo Rastoder, MURTEZA KARAĐUZOVIĆ (1865–1941) : MUFTIJA CRNOGORSKIH MUSLIMANA, Podgorica: Almanah, 2019, 326 str. Edin Radušić - Aladin Husić, KADILUK TEŠANJ U DRUGOJ POLOVINI 18. STOLJEĆA (TEŠANJ, MAGLAJ I ŽEPČE U SVJETLU AKATA TEŠANJSKOG SUDA), Sarajevo: Gazi Husrev-begova biblioteka u Sarajevu, 2020, 304 str. Ruhulah Hodžić - ZBORNIK RADOVA PRVE MEĐUNARODNE KONFERENCIJE O ZAŠTITI PISANOG NASLIJEĐA, SARAJEVO 16. i 17. 9. 2019, Sarajevo: Gazi Husrev-begova biblioteka u Sarajevu, 2020, 233 str. Ahmed Zildžić - Munir Mujić, MOĆ I GRANICE KOMENTARA: KOMENTAR AL-MAQĀME AL-RŪMIYYE NEPOZNATOG AUTORA, Sarajevo: Centar za napredne studije (CNS) i Orijentalni institut Univerziteta u Sarajevu, 2020, 248 str. Sead Bandžović - Fikret Karčić, SHARIʻA COURTS IN YUGOSLAVIA 1918–1941, Sarajevo: Center for Advanced Studies, 2019, 196 str. Mirza Sarajkić - Esad Duraković, CLASSICAL POETRY IN THE ARABIC, PERSIAN AND TURKISH LANGUAGES: A POETOLOGICAL APPROACH, Translated by Selma Đuliman, Ankara: Turkish Academy of Sciences, 2019, 269 str. Amer Maslo - Olga Zirojević, IZ OSMANSKE BAŠTINE, Beograd: Balkanski centar za Bliski istok, 2018, 157 str. Emina Mostić - Ahmed Zildžić, I PRIJATELJ I NEPRIJATELJ: RANO OSMANSKO DRUŠTVO I IBN ʻARABĪ, Univerzitet u Sarajevu, Orijentalni institut, Posebna izdanja LXI, Sarajevo, 2020, 261 str. Hadžija Hadžiabdić - Nurija Agić, BOSNA U EVROPSKIM ENCIKLOPEDIJAMA ili Hronologija krivotvorenja historijske logike, Bosanska riječ, Tuzla 2019, 421 str.
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The series of events in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the early 1990s had an undeniable impact on society and contributed significantly to rupturing the continuity of popular and religious customs. In the meantime, social openness means that Bosniaks are increasingly exposed to religious and cultural influences from both the East and West. This situation has made it exceptionally diffcult to preserve the continuity of Bosniak religious customs. The aim of this paper is to demonstrate how the refraction of intercultural and inter-muslim influences in Bosnia and Herzegovina is reflected in Bosniak religious customs. The author therefore examines a selection of Bosniak religious customs related to the lifecycle: the birth of a child, marriage, and death, all of which show Bosniaks cleaving strongly to the regulations of Islam, with a gradual adoption of Western attainments and cultural values.
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Historians have pondered the methods and means for the inclusion of a territory with various systems of social organization into the structure of the Russian Empire. In this regard, a special interest is represented by the study of the Russian Empire’s policy in relation to the Muslim religious elites of Central Asia. In the past, Muslim religious elites played a significant role in the public life of the people of Central Asia. The leading role in economic and religious life of the region was played by the ulama, whose highest layer was represented by “holy groups” or sacred lineages as descendants of the Prophet Muhammad or the first four Caliphs. Some “sacred lineages” fulfilled important religious and social duties in pre-Soviet Central Asian society (before 1917) and were held in very high esteem by everyone. Members of these lineages performed religious services at ritual celebrations, acted as healers, and helped settle disputes. Some were also the caretakers of Sufi shrines. The sacred lineages formed part of the Central Asian aristocracy called oq suyak (white bone) in contrast to the qoracha (black, common people). To understand the place of the religious elite, it is necessary to take into account that the ulama, most of whom were from “sacred lineages,” monopolized the possession of knowledge of Muslim laws, and of the resolution of legal and religious issues.
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Traditional scholarship of Russia’s involvement in the Middle East has focused on confessional politics, usually arguing that Russian policies were designed to support the region’s minority Orthodox Christian populations to build pro-Russian constituencies among them. Important as this work is, it has devoted relatively little attention to Russian interaction with the region’s other confessional communities, including, oddly, its Muslims. Following the work of Edward Said and other theorists of “Orientalism,” some work on that relationship has argued that Russians looked down upon Middle Eastern Muslims, finding them in some contexts inferior and primitive, in others similar enough to provoke unsettling challenges to the assumption by Russians of a “Western” identity, and in still others simply uninteresting. More recent studies, however, have argued that this interpretation is neither consistent with the Russian Empire’s treatment of its own large domestic Muslim population nor uniformly accurate in its interactions with Muslims beyond its borders.
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This paper focuses on the establishment and functionality of multiethnic societies in the world today and in the light of the role of religion and spirituality in building democratic structures and new relationships between peoples belonging to different cultural and religious traditions. The author notes that modern secular society is a priori averse to any interference of religious communities and especially of Islam and its principles. He reminds us that the most prominent problem in the 19th century was nationalism, which in the 20th became ideology since, during the greater part of the century peoples were entrenched on opposite sides of the ideological divisions and conflicts of the Cold War. However, now that the Cold War is over, and the ideological war ended, the biggest problems that occur in the 21st century are ethnic conflicts. Since these conflicts are partly encouraged by religious conflicts, the author argues to bring our attention to this danger and do everything we can to solve the problems of human society in this context, i.e., in order to maintain peace, we have to accept the other and different in what religion, especially Islam, plays a significant role.
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The paper deals with the origin and development of classical grammar school: Basra, Kufa and Baghdad. The cause of their creation is mistakes in speaking and reading of the Qur'anic text. All examples of these errors and biographies of the grammarians, with some minor modifications, are taken from the introduction to the work Dirasatun tatbiqijje fin-nahw ve-Sarf. The author of the work is Professor Abdu l-Semi 'Shaban, my professor at the undergraduate and postgraduate studies in Cairo. The paper presents translation of the introduction to this work. In this paper, we meet a number of clients who have studied Arabic grammar, so hence this science is often referred to as the science of clients or residents. The work is full of controversies between al-Kisa'i and al-Jezidi and between al-Muberrid and Sa'leba, and one of the sharpest controversies was conducted between Sibevejh and al-Kisa'i in the presence of the Caliph, and other officials in which al-Kisa'i was declared the winner. It was a political judgment. Kufa was closer to Baghdad, geographically and politically. The Grammarians of Kufa were closer to the court than the grammarians of Basra.
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In this paper we discuss the Muslim contribution to the development of European culture. Meeting with European nations of the Middle Ages (Sicily and Spain) Muslims spurred a strong impetus to their scientific and cultural development. The first section briefly presents the Muslim-Christian experience of intercultural exchange and mutual influence of trends in the process of formation of classical Islamic and medieval Christian culture and civilization.
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The Middle East is experiencing a new era involving a cold war between the theocratic Shi’i state of Iran and its rival Saudi Arabia, a theocratic Sunni state, both considering themselves the leader of the Muslim world. These countries have been rivals for decades, and the consequences of this rivalry have been shaping the Middle East since 2011. This research intends to review the main issues over the last four decades involved in the rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia. By examining the main issues involved in this rivalry, the research attempts to discover whether the animosity between Tehran and Riyadh following the Arab Spring is based on both sides’ effort to strengthen their proxies by using the Arab Spring’s flames. The research suggests a new conceptualization of how religion – Sunna and Shi’a – represents the historical clash on the question of who should have, must have, and who has the historical right to lead the Islamic world. This clash originated mainly from one focal base, Islam, yet it represents a separation between ‘theo’ – the Islamic religion, and ‘civilio’ – ethnic rivalry, or Arab vs. Persian culture. The objective of the study is to offer a practical solution to enable the two rivals to coexist for the region’s greater good, even if they cannot fully resolve their rivalry.
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To understand a religious tradition, it is very important to know the socio-cultural accumulation of the community, which has that religious tradition, such as folklore, mythology, literature, and art. This is because ethnological data are used to understand and interpret the actions, mutual relations, belief systems, religious societies and institutions, rituals and customs of religious people or people with a religious tradition. In the light of these data, literary works that mirror the society in particular reflect the human understanding and worldview of their civilizations in a sense by revealing the quality of their relations with their individuals, society, culture and Creator. In this study, it is aimed to make a historical phenomenological comparison of two different worlds, namely the worldviews and cultures hidden behind these two literary texts by evaluating the perspectives of eastern and western cultures on human, society and socio-cultural life, which are revealed within the framework of Ḥayy and Robinson models.
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Religion has often been an ignored dimension of statecraft, particularly so by realist or neorealist schools. This article explores the question of how a number of states, in which all or a considerable part of the population is Muslim, incorporate Islam as a guiding principle into their broader foreign policy. In this regard, it reviews a selected number of foreign policy cases using individual, domestic and international levels of analysis in which diverse Islamic incentives from major theoretical perspectives interplay with foreign policy. Its ultimate objective is to provide a deeper synthesis of the literature on Islam in foreign policymaking and relating it to major IR theories.
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The article describes as a “good practice ” the experience of University of Library Studies and IT – Sofia, in conducting two courses for the acquisition of “Teacher of Religion – Islam and Non-denominational Education” additional professional qualification during 2018/2019 and 2020/2021 academic years. The results of the courses are analyzed through pedagogical diagnostics and commented on in comparison with the current European experience for training teachers in “Religion – Islam”.
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During the Ayyubide dynasty (1171-1260), founded by the sultan Saladin or Salah-ad-din (1137-1193), the son of Moses ben Maimon, Abraham ben Moses ben Maimon (1186-1237), followed his father as leader of the Jewish community in Egypt, nagid (Hebrew), al-raʼīs or al-rayyis (Arabic). In accordance with the analysis of Elisha Russ-Fishbane, Abraham ben Moses ben Maimon, in the work The Sufficient [Guide] for the Servants of God, continued Moses ben Maimon’s arguments in Moreh nevukhim on prophetic gift as reaching human perfection. Unlike his father, who used as bibliographic background the system of thought whereby Al-Fārābī (ca. 870-950) had evinced ontological continuity due to which divine inspiration animates the political ideal of the “king philosopher” as a hypostasis of reason and the theocratic ideal of the “legislator-prophet-imām” as a hypostasis of imagination, Abraham opted for a limited proximity to the mystic theology of medieval Sufism.
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Review of: Fahd Kasumović, Na periferiji svijeta islama: Osmanska poreska politika u Bosanskom ejaletu 1699-1839, Univerzitet u Sarajevu, Orijentalni institut, Sarajevo, 2021.
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