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This article is devoted to the description and definition of the specific grammatical categories of the verb in the Upper Kama dialect of the Komi-Permyak language. The work reveals the reasons behind the changes in the formation and distribution of the morphological units that make up the categories of person, number, tense, mood, aspect and voice.
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This paper argues that conditional mood morphology in Hungarian is the spellout of a morphosyntactic feature excl(w), the semantic interpretation of which is modal exclusion, i.e., counterfactuality. In certain cases (such as wishes, or CF conditionals) this feature is lexically specified on M[ood], with the direct interpretive aim of counterfactuality, while in others M has this feature unvalued, and inherits its value from the category Mod[ality] in a standard AGREE relation. The strong interrelation between M and Mod also manifests in scope phenomena earlier analysed as scope inversion between Mod and T[ense], but can now be accounted for in a more principled way. Finally, it is shown that, unlike what is found in many other languages, Hungarian cannot use tense marking as the exponent of excl(w), because its "tense" is relative, rather than deictic. Therefore, this language makes use of mood morphology to encode CF, in the particular form of conditional mood.
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The aim of this paper is to present the most salient characteristics of Permian vowel ~ zero alternations and to analyse them in terms of grammaticalisation. The term `grammaticalisation' will be used here in a non-traditional sense. When we investigate grammaticalisation, it is not merely individual linguistic units (having turned into grammatical ones), but also relationships between linguistic units that are to be taken into consideration. If, for instance, a phonological relationship that originally obtained between certain forms and triggered the application of some automatic process turns into a non-automatic alternation that distinguishes linguistic units from one another, this is just as much an instance of grammaticalisation as the well-known cases in which an originally lexical item turns into a grammatical one. This hypothesis will be substantiated in this paper with the help of some considerations concerning Permian vowel ~ zero alternations.
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This paper is concerned with the origins and the function of the objective verbal conjugation especially in Hungarian but with an eye to general typology and Uralic. Previous attempts at solving problems associated with it are given a critical survey. The author argues that since objective conjugation is neither specific to Hungarian nor to its relatives, whether close or distant, but is found in various language families and language types all over the world, one should seek explanations in universal tendencies rather than giving ad hoc accounts. The universal tendency of medialisation is pointed out here-especially in the first and second persons of the paradigm-, which differentiated what is now called the (unmarked) general or indefinite conjugation from the original unitary conjugation. It is here proposed that what now functions as the objective conjugation results historically from a reinterpretation of the original paradigm as in contrast with the medial (then general) paradigm. This explains the curious fact that although the objective paradigm is now seen as the new marked member of the opposition, it is this paradigm that preserves the personal endings going back to the ancestral pronouns. The author also argues that the emergence of an objective conjugation in those Uralic languages that have one represents independent developments, though the preconditions for its evolution may have been there in Proto-Uralic in the form of object syntagms
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This paper focuses on predicate formation operations which affect the value and determination of lexical properties associated with Hungarian phrasal periphrastic predicates and, hence, on lexeme-formation (Aronoff 1994). Recent work, following the word and paradigm morphological models of Robins (1959), Matthews (1972), among others, has argued that periphrasis or multi-word expression is often best viewed as a type of morphological exponence, i.e., as the product of morphological rather than syntactic operations, contra many current theoretical proposals. In line with this morphological perspective, I argue that, as in inflection, periphrasis is a type of morphological exponence for lexeme-formation. In support of this claim I explore lexeme-formation for several sorts of phrasal predicates in Hungarian Ackerman (1987), Komlósy (1992), Kiefer-Ladányi (2000), among others), in particular causative formation, causal predicate formation, so-called reiterated activity formation expressed by reduplicated preverbs, and the interaction of these operations with category changing derivation. The general background for the analysis will be the Realization-based Lexicalist Hypothesis (Blevins 2001) and realizational approaches to morphology (Stump 2001) which are compatible with theories subscribing to representational modularity (Jackendoff (1997; 2002).
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This paper investigates the grammaticalization of words into prefixes, via the intermediate stage of separable particles. Particle-verb combinations are analysed as constructional idioms, whereas prefixed verbs are analysed as words. We hypothesize that semantic change triggers the structural change of particles becoming inseparable prefixes. In this way, syntax reflects semantics: the loss of independent semantic content, accompanied by other specific semantic developments, triggers the loss of syntactic independence. Data from Middle and Modern Dutch are discussed to illustrate the validity of the hypothesis and to show that semantic changes indeed precede syntactic changes in the development of particles into prefixes.
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The quantitative approach to morphological productivity developed by Baayen and collaborators is crucially based on the count of hapax legomena in a given, very large textual corpus. In this paper, Baayen's main idea is applied to the little explored domain of Italian prefixation, on the basis of a 75,000,000-token newspaper corpus, and a significant improvement of his procedure is proposed by calculating productivity values at equal token numbers for different affixes. Consequently, variably-sized subcorpora must be sampled to compare affixes displaying different token frequencies. Following this approach, the Italian productive prefixes ri- and in- can be ranked by productivity within their respective derivational domains, and the impact of different derivational cycles on the measure of productivity can be dealt with satisfactorily.
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The paper sets out with an overview of preverbs and prefixes in the Uralic languages. It will be shown that most Uralic languages have separable preverbs and only a few have verbal prefixes. These verbal prefixes have been borrowed from Slavic. This means that preverbs never get morphologized in Uralic. We will informally call 'cohesion' the various positions of the preverb relative to the verb. The highest degree of cohesion is the case when the preverb is a genuine prefix; the next degree is represented by adverbial-like preverbs, which obligatorily occupy a preverbal position, and which form a kind of compound with the verb; a yet lower degree is shown by preverbs which can occupy both a preverbal and a postverbal position and some other elements can intervene between the preverb and the base verb; cohesion is greater if only clitical elements can occur between the preverb and the verb. The next stage is represented by the language in which in addition to clitics also some complements can occur in this position. Finally, cohesion is least strong in cases when practically any element can occur between the preverb and the verb. Cohesion should not be confounded with grammaticalization which plays an important role in the development of aspectual and aktionsart-meanings. In this case it can be shown for Hungarian that the development goes through the stages 'adverbial meaning ≯ adverbial meaning and aspectual meaning ≯ aspectual meaning ≯ aspectual meaning and aktionsart-meaning' for the old layer of preverbs and through the stages 'adverbial meaning ≯ adverbial meaning and aspectual meaning ≯ aspectual meaning and aktionsart-meaning' for more recent preverbs. In other words, preverbs may end up by having an aspectual and an aktionsart-meaning' but, as Hungarian shows, not all preverbs have reached this stage.
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A variety of explanations have been offered for the observed cross-linguistic preponderance of suffixes over prefixes. Many are couched in terms of synchronic advantages, such as the cognitive simplicity of cross-category harmony between syntax and morphology, and preferences for processing the lexical meaning in stems before the grammatical material in affixes. But hypotheses about functional advantages cannot constitute explanations in themselves without accounts of the mechanisms by which the advantages are translated into grammatical structure. Here it is shown that the numerous exceptions to such hypotheses can be explained when the individual histories of the affixes are considered, including both their sources and the steps by which they develop.
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The paper reports on work carried out within Corbin's associative morphological model which postulates that form and meaning are deducible from one another. It is assumed that in French there is a neat semantic distribution between prefixes and suffixes because each affix is specified by its semantic instructional identity. If this is the case, then the affixes a-, en-, é- and -is(er), -ifi(er) seem to constitute exceptions and represent semantic equivalence because each of them constructs deadjectival change of state verbs. In order to explain this apparent discrepancy, it is proposed here that the notion of 'paradigm of morphological processes' is to be abandoned when characterizing the semantic scope of a rule and we should adopt the principle that one and only one affix corresponds to one and only one word formation rule.
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This article investigates two strategies of relative clause formation in Zulu, a Bantu language spoken in South Africa. The standard way of forming a relative clause in Zulu involves a prefix (a so-called 'relative concord') which is attached to the predicate of the relative clause. In this strategy, the relative concord expresses agreement with the subject of the relative clause. In a second strategy, the relative concord seems to be prefixed to the first word of the relative clause; in this position, it agrees with the head noun. The main claim of this article is that the second strategy of relative clause formation in Zulu is an example of phrasal affixation. I show that the relative concord does not merge morphologically with the first word of the relative clause, but is attached to the whole relative clause. Following Anderson (1992), I analyse this kind of phrasal affixation as an inflectional process; the relative clause is a predicate, and the relative concord in the second strategy expresses agreement between this phrasal predicate and the head noun.
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In A Historical Grammar of Hungarian (Benko et al. 1991; 1992), the chapters on non-finite verb forms (infinitives and participles) were written by the present author. In that book, conciseness, brevity and canonical style were required; due to lack of space, it was impossible for authors to give a detailed discussion of the points made and to motivate their decisions. In this short paper, a number of statements and formulations given there will be clarified; furthermore, an overall picture will be given about the historical system of non-finite verb forms in Hungarian.
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The paper aims at presenting the percentage of the use of perfective (PF) vs imperfective (IPF) verbs in imperative in modern Slovene, partially also in comparison with other Slavic languages, Russian in particular. As a source for analysis by means of CQL three coropora of modern Slovene have been used, namely Gigafida, Kres and ssj500k. In regard to all the concordances containing verbs in imperative the percentage of PF is sligthly above 70 % vs 25 % of IPF (and that of PF/IPF, biaspectual verbs, slightly less than 6 %). When negation is present, the scales are turned with percentage of IPF reaching up to 64 %, while that of PF is lowered to (for negation in imperative still substantial) 32 %. Comparing the present state with that in the Slovene literary language of 16th century no notable differences in the percentage of PF vs IPF in imperative can be found.
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The article deals with the morphological category of vocative in Croatian and Serbian language norms and language use. After the core features of the category are presented, the introductory part of the article is dedicated to the display of this category in Slavic languages, with special regard to Croatian and Serbian. In the central part of the article the results of the survey on the vocative use are analyzed. The closing chapter raises two questions: (1) What are the causes and effects of losing the morphological category of vocative; (2) Should vocative be considered a case?
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Trois thèmes sont touchés ici: transcription ouigoure de la transcription chinoise des mots indiens, transcription des mots chinois en écriture composée des Kitans et une comparaison des morphèmes du tibétain avec ceux du chinois.
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Linguistic possession has been studied in various ways from all linguistic viewpoints, from the pioneering works of Lévy-Bruhl (1914) to those in generative grammar by Velázquez (1996), in linguistic typology by Hagège (1978) and Koptjevskaja-Tamm (2002) or in cognitive grammar by Nikiforidou (1991), Heine (1997) and Pamies (2001; 2004). However, many doubts remain on that question. There is a surprisingly high cross-linguistic variation in the relation between meaning (the concept of possession) and grammatical forms (possessive and genitive constructions, prepositions, possession verbs, etc.), even within the same historical family, and there are frequent contradictions which could be explained in a simple way by applying the concept of grammatical metaphor (Halliday 1985) and taking into account contextual issues.
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The author discusses the word-formative processes, as a result of which the lexical rangę of the Polish language is being extended. The examples used are the latest Polish verbs which have recently appeared in mass-media - in the press and in the radio and TV programmes e.g. dowartościować, odlodzić, przepolitycznić, ukoszernić, ukoście/nić, zadekretować, zniesmaczyć etc A common feature of these verbs is the way of formation - verbalization o f two- or multi-word phrases involving at least two word-formative operations whose formal exponent is a prefix together with a suffix, and, if necessary, the rellexive pronoun „się” functioning as a word-formative morpheme. The formative present in these verbs consists of at least two word-formative morphemes divided by a base - hence the author calls it a divided formative In such derivations suffix verbalizes the noun, and the meaning of the new verb is provided by prefix, which occurs in the model verb forming a part of word-formative paraphrase e g dodać wartości (to add value) = dowartościować, odczyścić pas startowy z lodu (ta elear the runway of ice) = odlodzić, uznać wódkę za koszerną (to consider vodka as kosher) = ukoszernić zagwarantować/zapewnić dekretem (to guarantee with a decree) = zadekretować. In many cases there is - on the one hand - something that might be called automatic duplication of the model verb, and - on the other hand - a mechanism of word-formative analogy, as a resuit of which a whole series of new derivatives is created, e.g. the verb odlodzić is cońnected with the verbs odczyścić, odśnieżyć, odwodnić, odgruzować, etc.; the verb przepolitycznić is connected with such derivatives as przepełnić, przeludnić, przejaskrawić, etc.; the verb ukościelnić is connected with such verbs as upaństwowić, uspołecznić, upowszechnić, and others. Some new verbs could have been formed also as a result of exchange derivation of the prefix, often on the basis of the formation of antonymic form, e.g. zawojować (to conquer) - odwojować (to reconquer), zadłużyć (to involve in debt) - oddłużyć (to pay debt), odciążyć (to relieve of burden) - dociążyć (to increase burden). This point cannot be unequivocally decided in the cases which involve the presence of word-formative paraphrase containing a verb with the same prefix.
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Gegenstand des Aufsatzes sind appellative und anthroponimische Derivate mit dem Suffix -ajlo. Hier wird unser Wissen über die Genese des Suffixes sowie über die damit gebildeten Derivate ergänzt und erweitert. Im Zusammenhang mit den angeführten Stellungnahmen über die litauische, belorussische, ukrainische bzw. polnische Herkunft der genannten appellativen Strukturen spricht sich der Verf. für ihre heimische Provenienz aus, und zwar in Anlehnung an anthroponimische Strukturen. Das Vonhandensein dieses Suffixes in litauischen, ostslawischen und polnischen Formen erklärt sich auf Grund deren gemeinsamen indoeuropäischen Herkunft: das grundlegende -lo- ergab durch morphologische Erweiterung mit benachbarten Morphemen (Absorption) die Gestalt -ajlo.
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W spadku po języku prasłowiańskim słowiańska etnonlmia otrzymała jednakowe słowotwórcze modele i środki. Język starosłowiajski rozwinął wyraźne formy zbiorczych etnonimów. Wraz z rozwojem narodowościowych języków słowiańskich, etnonimia każdego z nich nabrała swoistych cech. Na podstawie wspólnych słowiańskich słowotwórczych modeli i środków wypracowano specyficzne modele narodowościowe: serbsko-chorwacki -anac, czeski -an, słowacki -łan, rosyjski, bułgarski i macedoński - -*c, polski -czy*. W pracy rozpatrzono takie problemy wcielenia do słowotwórczej struktury etnonlmli i nazw państw ze złożoną podstawą włączając abrewiaturą.
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