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Prostitution is considered to be a large social phenomenon which has survived all forms of social and political organization and which implies a lot of risks: of public health (infections with STD, HIV/AIDS, B or C hepatitis), drug abuse, criminality, violating human rights, social insurance and health services. Varying with the social and political context in which prostitution was placed, the state adopted different ways of politicizing this phenomenon, from abolishing to legalizing it under specific conditions and recommendations. The main instrument that the state uses in order to politicize the prostitution is the legal frame based on a series of laws and stipulations that place prostitution either in the array of delinquency or of social acceptance
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Paradoksalno, novi pogled na institucionalizovanje seksualnosti u historiji, kakav predočava William Naphy u svojoj studiji Born To Be Gay (2012)1, je oblik decentralizacije i narušavanja moći prvenstveno heteroseks(ual) izma kojim se krivo/tvori linerani tok povijesnog narativa. S druge strane, naizgled ’oslobođena’ seksualnost se ne prikazuje kao zapadni fenomen, kakvo je stereotipizirano gledište danas, kojim se štite kontrazapadno orijentisani, naprotiv, autor potvrđuje ideju pluralizma seksualnih identiteta zahvatanjem biti kulturnih i religijskih konstrukta u vremenima i civilizacijama prije naših. Ahistoriziranje zvanične cenzurirane historije uzdiže pitanja homoseksualnih identiteta na nivo subkulture. Homoseksualnost nije historija zapadne civilizacije već dio ljudskih aktivnosti širom svijeta u različitim vremenskim periodima.
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Od Geneze naovamo, malo šta može od religiozne bajkovitosti za odrasle, uglavnom infantilne, a mjestimice i debilne, izdržati na tasu istine i vjerodostojnosti. A kad se stvari ’dobronamjerno’ premjeste na tas korisnosti, po Voltaireu u ime razuma dakako, u svoj svojoj grotesknosti ukazuje se oduvijek prisutan njen dosluh s politikom. A ko je po izgonu iz Raja izvukao deblji kraj zasigurno nije pitanje za milion dolara, nego prije za toliko šamara ukoliko se nedvojbeno ne odgovori: žena. Čak i onda kad je, ne baš tako često kao što se misli, znanost kao jedina, frojdovski rečeno, “s onu stranu okova iluzije”, bila na njenoj strani. Gotovo svi protesti i opomene, žigosanja i raskrinkavanja upereni protiv morbidnih i sociopatskih postulata, s još sablažnjivijim pragmatičnim posljedicama, okončavali su poput strašila na neplodnu tlu ili bučno prolazili kao pucnji u magli.
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The article analyses the generalities of the gender stereotypes use for the description of the subjects of the political process. Since the power correlates to the masculinity and its attributes (force, reason, will, activity, control, justice) the “Our” politicians and political parties are described in the terms of masculinity and the “Alien” ones in the feminine terms.
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Characterizing the role and place of sexuality in the everyday life of Russian women, the author considers the 10th-19th cc. “the ages of Orthodox Gender order” and the centuries of repressive sexuality, and the 20th c. – the time of sexual revolution, which had seriously increased the significance of this component in the biographies of the Russian women.
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The article deals with the women’s military experience on the base of oral and written memoirs on the Great Patriotic War. The materials have been collected in the Krasnodar region. The generalities of women’s self-imagination during the war have been disclosed and the problems of women’s adaptation to the war environment, of their struggle to overcome the everyday difficulties have been set and the theme of sexual violence has been stressed.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the subjective evaluation of some social and economic aspects of the quality of life by the young women living in the Ivanovo region. Such components of the quality of life as satisfaction with the living standards, health, medical and educational services have been underlined
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The article analyses the tendencies of the representation of women in the legislative, executive and judiciary bodies of the Republic of Belarus after the proclamation of its independency. The conclusion is made that the obstacles to the recruitment of women into the upper strata of political and administrative elites are still strong but not as insurmountable
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The paper investigates SOS Children’s Helpline calls, the advisory service of telephone support for children and youth in Serbia, connected with a number of disturbing media events.The aim of this inquiry is to determine the characteristics of the calls related to sex, age, length of conversation and some specific aspects of the conversation due to disturbing media events, as well as the reactions of children to the events analyzed by questionnaire aimed for telephone counselors.
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The paper presents the results of reforms that took place in Serbia in the last ten years, dealing with the policies for poverty reduction and social inclusion that especially targeted socially vulnerable groups exposed to multiple marginalization such as women. The Strategy for poverty reduction dei ned goals and legal framework, as well as some concrete measures aimed to improve the status and social position of these groups. The paper presents the results of the actions taken from 2003 to 2010 that enabled the general concept of the policies and measures to be implied, as well the function of an ei cient monitoring system, that could be compared with the results of other countries in the region and EU.
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The paper analyzes the problems and policies of gender equality in education in Serbia at the dawn of the h ird Millennium in Serbia, in historical and academic context. The factors of vertical and horizontal segregation in the sphere of women education in Serbia in the period of transition are overviewed and discussed. The analysis points out that many of the previously accepted and implemented measures and policies should be redei ned and requestioned.
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This paper reconstructs the life of Jelena-Ilka Marković and the reasons leading to her unsuccessful attempt of assassination of king Milan in 1882, regarding her gender roles, class and political orientation. The basic hypothesis is that the assassination was not only an act of personal revenge for the death of the husband, but also a politically inspired one. The paper positions Jelena-Ilka Marković in the context of her gender roles of a wife and childless widow and tracks the development of her political convictions through the political stands and activities of her two husbands: dr Jovan Andrejević, a member of educated bourgeoisie patriotically inclined class struggling to preserve their Serbian identity in the Habsburg Monarchy, and Jevrem Markovic, an opposition member of parliament, adversary of king Milan and a war hero that belonged to the emerging bourgeoisie intellectual class of socialists struggling against the absolutism of king Milan, and advocating the transformation of Serbian society into a modern state. From such a background emerges an emancipated women who possessed rationality, self-consciousness and agency, and who can thus be considered a political subject who acted not only out of personal but also political reasons.
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The paper examines gender dif erences and the level of employment, as well as other important characteristics of women’s economic participation in the changed environment of the post-socialist transition period in Serbia. The presented facts point out to unfavorable position of women in the labor market, characterized by low economic activity, limited access to managerial position and prestige wages, high unemployment, poverty and vulnerability. Although women’s level of education is higher than that of men, women still fail to ensure quality jobs and successful professional careers to the same extent as men. Regarding that aspect, women in Serbia share experience of women in other post-socialist countries, though it must be noted that women earn less than men even in the most developed countries of the European Union. Traditional female jobs lose the race in the market where jobs are still gender-specific. New tensions lead to two-fold vulnerability of women - at work and at home.
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The paper presents the facts essential for establishing and functioning of the institutions called mechanisms for gender equality. The history of their development and international treaties which comprise values of gender partnerships are presented, as well as partipatory democracy and goals of equal participation of women and men in political decision making processes.
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The paper analyzes the media contents dealing with women and gender equality published in the year 2010. The analysis is based on the systemically collected press clipping of the eight leading daily and two main weekly newspapers and two electronic media, mostly TV news channels. The results confirmed women’s invisibility as well as gender based stereotypes, misogyny, and lack of analytical texts.
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Violence against women in intimate partner relations is the most frequent form of violence in the family context. Although protracted and severe violence may leave grave consequences, adequate social reaction can prevent secondary victimization and redress the sustained damages. In international documents, violence against women has become a major human rights issue, which is why the key role of states in creating “a climate of tolerance” and developing an appropriate protection and prevention system is being stressed. A scrutiny of the state policy in this sphere in Serbia leads to the conclusion that it is incoherent, unsynchronized and fragmented. The key paradigms of protection are merely notional. The system of protection has proved to be inei cient in achieving its primary goal - to stop the ongoing and prevent any future episodes of violence. A complete, comprehensive, and specii c protection of women against violence in partner relationships, organized after the model of “best practices”, can also be made possible within our context. Harmonizing views and principles will be the most dificult and the long term process, that can be enhanced by an explicit and clear-cut state policy.
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This article analyses the image of the women’s emancipation in the Prague humorous magazines during the first decade of the existence of the new Czechoslovak republic. The criticisms of women’s independence due to a new live style (such as the new fashion, music and dances) are common in conservative magazines. The aesthetic of these images shows the nostalgia for the housewife and is a legacy of the Biedermeier style, typical of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. On the other hand, the avant-garde artistes represent modern woman as a strong personality. The attention given to the women’s topic shows the importance of women’s rights in Czechoslovakian society. The parity between men and women is written in the constitution, as well as women’s right to vote. The mythological pattern of the brave woman, princess Libuše, the founder of the city of Prague, appears at this periode in humorous magazines as a reminder of the Czech legend and ascribe woman a new role: the moral leader in hard times.
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The phenomenon of gender inequality in the labor market is not recognized as one of the main themes in the discussions of public policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Despite social and academic relevance of the issue of the economic position of women in today’s BiH, empirical evidence and academic studies on this topic are ruther scarce. Searching for a scientific answer to the question about whether the fall of socialism, war and post-war transition undermined gender equality in the labor market in BiH, this qualitative study examines the perceptions of women on gender equality in relation to the following categories: (un) equal employment opportunities (not) equal social status, (un) equal opportunities to exercise own labor rights and the (un) equal benefits of the actual performance. The research results allow for mapping of different social practices of unequal treatment of men and women, as well as multiple discrimination on the labor market in BiH, and suggest that there is a need of societal change towards equality of opportunity aimed at more equitable distribution of opportunities, resources and rights.
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