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This article is dedicated to analyses of Bulgarian idioms stemming from semantic fields centred round "earth” and "desert” from the point of view of cultural linguistics. An attempt has been made to classify cultural markers which were found in our material published in the phraseological dictionaries.
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Folk-calendar terminology is an expression of the national specificity of cultures. This makes its studying promising within the framework of the tendencies for ‘European-style thinking’ which have emerged since the beginning of the 21st century. The article examines St. George’s Day customs and rituals in their ethnolinguistic aspect. G’erg’ewd’en (Vch, Cub, Chsh), G’ergyovd’en (A, G, Kam, Dl, Z), G’ergyochd’en (A) , G’ergyouud’en(Kr), Gyorguvd’en (Kul), Gyorguud’en (R), Gerg’ofden (Cyr), G’argyovd’an (DN), Gergiuden (Or) – the largest and richest – in a ritual sense – spring religious vestive-ritual complex of the Bessarabian Bulgarians, which is celebrated on the 6th of May (on the 23rd of April old style) and is dedicated to the Christian saint George, who is – in the folk tradition – the protector of shepherds and flocks. The paper attempts to systematize and explore the peculiarities of the cultural dialect associated with St. George’s Day ritual sequence.
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Review of: Rado L. Lencek and Miloš Okuka, „A Bibliography of Recent Literature on Macedonian, Serbo-Croatian and Slovene Languages“, Geschichte, Kultur und Geisteswelt der Südslaven, Neue Serie, I Band, Slavica Verlag, Dr. Antun Kovač – München, 1990.; by: Daria Šito
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The way in which we understand and analyze language has been so changed that believing that one nation speaks one language is slowly becoming a myth. Changes in language perception and defining culture are stronger thanks to globalization process, and those changes are reflected in the best way in observing influence of English, one of the strongest lingua franca today, on the other languages. In former Yugoslavia are as that influence started after the Second World War. In that way the oryof languages in contact became reality in this area as well and stayed dominant in sociolinguistic analyses of the English language influence on Bosnian, Croatian and Serbian, mostly through the works by Rudolf Filipović. The most obvious indicator of what is going on when those languages come into contact are the anglicisms which can be shortly defined as words originating from English language and culture. Reaction of academics and wider public to anglicisms have been both positive and negative.The final aim, in this case, is to show those reactions and tackle the topic of language purism and facts that some academics decided that it was not important if “kahva”, “kava” or “kafa” were drunk as long as it was not “coffee”.
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This paper deals with the analysis of sports discourse in Croatian through the theoretical framework offered by conceptual metaphor theory. Within this framework, certain metaphorical expressions found in sports discourse are analyzed as expressions of two conceptual metaphors: sport is war and sport is force. The analysis of these metaphorical expressions combines the methodology of cognitive linguistics with corpus linguistics, resulting in the proposal of a new method for discourse analysis in general. In our research, we introduce the notion of the specialized digitized corpus as a basis for further quantitative and qualitative research. On the basis of the specialized digitized corpus created for the purposes of this research, it is shown how the formation of sports discourse is dependent on three categories of metaphorical expressions relative to the degree of their conventionalization within sports discourse: (a) conventionalized, (b) semi-conventionalized, and (c) innovative metaphorical expressions. Each of these categories is analyzed according to their frequency and various aspects of meaning that it entails. Through the introduction of the semi-conventionalized metaphorical expression category, we aim to examine the gradable line between language creativity and conventionality as it is formed within the discourse of sports.
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This year Department of Slavonic Studies at Eötvös Loránd University Faculty of Humanities and Hungarian publishing house Akadémiai Kiadó have started the preparation of, jointly planned, Hungarian-Serbian large dictionary. Hungarian-Serbian lexicography has grown to a higher level, mainly due to the 21st century working method that uses all the latest technological achievements. In this paper I intend to present, to the professional audience, the initial, design phase and technical questions formulated during the planning. Furthermore, to present found solutions and answers to them.
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This paper investigates the syntactic structure of nominal expressions in Croatian and proposes their analysis in terms of a split DP. Within the split DP-approach, the nominal left periphery contains functional projections DefP, FocP, TopP and DP. I will show that these functional categories host different lexical items (e.g. determiners, demonstratives, possessives, etc.) that contribute to the (in)definiteness and specificity of the Croatian noun phrase. A reanalysis of the nominal left periphery in terms of a split DP allows for the explanation of DP-internal word order variations, along with some other syntactic phenomena.
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In this work, based on relevant methodology and current literature in the field of normativity, errors in writing abbreviations in secondary education students’ essays are reviewed. The research covered 500 students (1594 essays in the Serbian language and literature) one classical and one specialized grammar school students, as well as two secondary technical schools. The work aimed to determine whether the students and in which way incorporated orthographic rules and, in connection with abbreviating words and expressions, when their orthographic knowledge is not the focus (unlike tests aimed at testing and evaluation achievements in the field orthography).Survey research has shown that students rarely use abbreviations in their writing tasks (at the random sample of 100 essays there was a total of 42 abbreviations), so that there is a small number of errors (only 35 errors were recorded in the use of abbreviations), what is undoubtedly influenced by a type of written text, lack of knowledge of orthographic norms when it comes to abbreviations, which has been confirmed by a short test given after the research.
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Due to its inconsistency, the prosodic norm of the Serbian language has generated a lot of discussion within the linguistic community. What has particularly been obvious in recent times is the major discrepancy between the prescribed and the actual language in use. Deviations from the norm relate to the sequence of accents and the repertoire of prosodic units. However, one of the most unstable positions is considered to be the pronunciation of the post-accentual length, which, based on the conducted research, is often equalized with the post-accentual shortness in younger population. This paper studies the pronunciation of the post-accentual length in the speech of western Serbia, and employs an acoustic analysis of duration and listening perception to examine the patterns of the disappearance of the post-accentual length (depending on the position within a word, type of syllable, type of accent, etc.).
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Orientalismen stellen einen bedeutenden Teil des serbokroatischen Wortschatzes dar. Sie wurden über mehrere Jahrhunderte bei direkten Kontakten hierzulande entlehnt und weisen einen hohen Grad der Anpassung auf. Der Prozen der Adaptation wird auf Grund des Verhaltnisses zwischen dem Modell und seiner Replik verfolgt. Bei der Analyse versucht man, Regelmalssigkeiten festzustellen, aber auch Abweichungen und Ausnahmen bei der Anpassung von Substantiven orientalischer Herkunft an die Kategorien Genus und Numerus des Serbokroatischen. Die Adaptation an die Kategorie Genus wurde dadurch erschwert, dan das Türkische (als die Sprache, aus der, direkt oder indirekt, entlehnt würde) diese grammatische Kategorie nicht kennt. Die Anpassung an die Kategorie Numerus wurde dadurch vereinfacht, dan das türkische Pluralsuffix - ler / -lar mcht ubernommen wurde; statt dessen wurden die grammatischen Mittel des Serbokroatischen benutzt.
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Автор рассматривает ассимиляцию славянских слов в сербохорватском тексте. В основном он касается адаптации фонологической, а лишь изредка рассматривает ассимиляцию этих слов на морфологическом уровне. Как известно, славянские народы не достигли той взаимности культурноГг и литературной, о которой мечтали чешские „будители” и хорватские „иллирийцы. Тем не менее сотрудничество между отдельними славянскими народами никогда не переставало. В наше время существует уже 12 славянских литературных языков. На Балканском полуострове функционирует теперь 4 языка: в Югославии 3 (сербохорватский, словенский и македонский), в Болгарии 1 — болгарский. Словенцы используют латинский шрифт, Болгары и Македонцы употребляют кириллицу а носители сербохорватског языка употребляют два алфавита. Среди восточных Славян формировались 3 литературных языка: белорусский, украинский и русский. Среди западнославянских народов формировались 5 литературных языков: в Чехословакии 2 — чешский и словацкий, в Польше 1 — польский, а в Чехословакии 2 — чешский и словацкий, в Польше 1 — польский, а в Немецкой Демократической Республике — 2 славянских языка: верхнелужицкий и нижнелужицкий. Все восточнославянские народы употребляют кириллицу, а все западнославянские народы используют латинский шрифт. Автор даёт оценку, насколько удачны некоторые решения сербохорватского правописания. Как известно, орфография сербохорватског языка является. фонетически. Именно с этой точки зрения автор даёт свои критические замечания относительно последовательного применения прокламированных принципов (фонетических) сербохорватского правописания. В частности автор ратует за то, чтобы русские названия содержащие смягчённые Л и Н переда вать сербохорватским LJ и NJ. На пример, Koroljov, Bunjin за русское Королёв Бунин, С другой же стороны, автор предлагает в польских названиях писать сербохорватские согласные Š и Ž вместо польских Š, Ž. Его аргумент в том, что названные польские согласные представляют собой Ш-звук и Ж-звук (а не С-звук и 3-звук, как это казалось би в теперешнем написании.) На пример, Zošja, Kažjo за польское Zosia, Kazio. Вообще, автор считает, что в процессе перенимания славянских слов в сербохорватский текст мы должны стремится максимальной верности, но одновременно мы нс должны забывать, что в этом деле фонетика должна подчиняться фонологии.
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In the first part of this paper I pointed out the importance of the observation of Vukušić (1984) that the accent of possessive adjectives derived by suffixes -ov (-ev), -in have the same accent as the genitive singular of the basic noun. I, however, notice that this observation holds -not only for the west stokavian dialect about Which Vukušić is writing, but also for the standard Serbo-Croatian. In the second part of the paper I argue that the possessive suffixes' form a special layer of the lexicon in the sense of lexical phonology (Mohanan 1981, Kiparsky 1982), because they -block the movement of the accent towards the end of the word in further derivation of words by suffixes. This contribution, may, therefore, be an important step toward the construction of the lexical phonology of Serbo-Croatian. However, further empirical verification of the proposed thesis seems to be necessary.
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Même actuellement, les études concernant les rapports albano-slaves ne font pas l’objet d’une synthèse, elles n’amorcent toujours que le début. Dans les rangs, d’ailleurs restreints, de ceux qui s’occupent des rechercher concernant les rapports albano-slaves, se trouve aussi l’auteur de ce travail qui publia ces dernières années les études suivantes: «Les rapports linguistiques entre l’albanais et le serbe«, Bulletin des études scientifiques de la Faculté des lettres de Prishtina, (1963); »Contribution à l’étude des rapports linguistiques entre l’albanais et le serbe«. Recherches albanologiques (2 Prishtinë 1965); «Études lexicologiques albano- -slaves». Recherches albanologiques- (2, 1968) etc... Cette fois-ci, l’auteur a pour l’objet de ses études quelques résultats auquels il est parvenu les derniers temps. Il parle d’une expression balkanique particulièrement discutable; il s’agit du mot magar que l’on rencontre dans la langue albanaise aussi bien que dans les autres langues balkaniques. Le mot en question apporte un nouveau matériel qui concerne en particulier la langue albanaise. L’auteur tâche d’illustrer et de parvenir à l’origine du mot Ber; c’est le nom d’ un village dans la région de Leshan du Monténégro; le mot en question l’auteur le met en rapport avec l’appellatif du mot albanais b e r r (mounton ou brébis, bouc ou chèvre). Ensuite l’auteur traite le toponyme Brinje qu’on rencontre si souvent dans de différentes zones du Monténégro. Dans le domaine de la toponymie du Monténégro, l’auteur traite surtout le toponyme Shaljeza que l’on rencontre également dans le territoire de l’Albanie Shalë - z a ; l’auteur mentionne les mots Štek, Steci, Zaštek; ensuite le nom Rogami ; Suka, Gropa: il remarque ensuite le toponyme Shestan. L’objet de ses études est ici particulièrement quelques appellatifs propres à l’albanais aussi qu’au langage serbe des parlers monténégrins: djekalica, djekarica, djekna, djekati, djekanje correspondant à l’albanais gjëkim, gjëkoj . On étudie ensuite le mot djola = vrtača, en albanais gjollë = «où l’on donne à manger le sel aux bêtes». Dans la zone de la Kosovo le verbe êknuti = frapper, taper, battre, heurter, lancer violemment, que l’on rencontre dans les dialectes serbes se rapporte aux verbes albanais hjek, hek, me hjekë. Dans le domaine de la terminologie pastorale l’auteur indique l’appellatif përc, serb. prë. On traite le mot dega. tise, degam se = svadjati se, glasno se prepirati , alb. degatem ; degame . On fait la recherche du verbe dešati se, prés dešam se qui veut dire se rencontrer avec qqn.; sresti se, naći se; en albanais on rencontre: ndesh, meundeshë . L’auteur s’occupe de l’origine du mot kërcu - ri, kërcu - niet du roum. et serbocr. cräciun, kraëun.
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The article presents new etymological interpretations of the words kori : korja ‘hearth’, melek(as) ‘stock pigeon’, rahe(-): rahejalg, kooljarahe ‘bier’ and rikkuma ‘to spoil, ruin, break, etc’. Kori : korja ‘hearth’ is a forgotten word in modern Estonian, which is known from northwestern Läänemaa as well as Hiiumaa. Nikolai Anderson suggested over a hundred years ago that kori belongs together with the Finnish word korju ‘bear’s (above-ground) winter lair’. Anderson’s comparison has been cited by Andrus Saareste as well as, with some hesitation, in Finnish etymological dictionaries. Julius Mägiste did not attempt to explain the word’s origin in his Estnisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Due to both phonetic and semantic considerations, an etymological link between Estonian kori : korja and Finnish korju is impossible. I suggest that kori : korja is a Baltic loan from the word family represented in modern Baltic languages by Lithuanian kùrti (kùria, kū́rė) ‘to heat up, start a fire etc’, ùžkura(s) ‘oven full of wood; widower’, užkurỹs ‘man who has married a widow and moved into her home; man living in his wife’s parents’ house’. This Baltic word family has equivalents with fire- and hearth-related meanings in other Indo-European languages, e.g. Old Russian курити ‘to start a fire, ignite’, Old English here ‘fireplace, hearth, small oven’ and the stem variant with a final dental consonant heorð ‘hearth, fireplace, home etc’. Kori : korja presumes a Baltic loan base with the stem i̯a-, *kuri̯a-, presumed original meaning ‘fire, fireplace’. Melek(as) ‘stock pigeon’ occurs sporadically in different parts of northern Estonia. This bird name has been seen as onomatopoetically motivated (Andrus Saareste, Mart Mäger, and with hesitation Alo Raun), a view which has been rejected by Julius Mägiste. Another suggestion is that melekas derives from a common Finnic-Mordvin stem, in which -l- may have developed from the affricate *č, cf. dialectal Finnish mettinen ‘turtle dove’, Erzya Mordvin m´eče, m´eča ‘dove’ (Y. H. Toivonen, Mikk Tooms), but Mägiste is skeptical of this explanation as well, and sees the word as more likely a contamination of mehikas ~ mehekas ‘wood dove’ + meltsas ‘green woodpecker, wood dove’. I argue that the explanation of the origin of the word melek(as) must take into account the observation of the Lithuanian linguist, who in the 1880s-1890s drew a parallel to the Lithuanian bird name meletà ‘Picus viridis, Dryocopus martius, Merops apiaster, Coracias garrulus; chatterbox, sweet-talking person’. Baltic *melatā ~ *meletā is etymologically related to the Balto-Slavic word family *mel- ‘to rub, grind; chatter’: Lithuanian málti ‘to grind; speak too much, blather, prattle’, dialectal Russian мелея́ ‘grinder; blabbermouth etc’, dialectal Belarusian мэ́ лю́х ‘lblabbermouth’. Phonetically, there is no reason not to accept the Baltic etymology. The final syllable *-tā of the Baltic loan base has been replaced by the very productive affix k(as), which appears in many bird names. (k)rae- in the compound words (k)raejalad, (k)raepuud ‘trestle table, stretcher, barrow’ derives from the Low German schrage ‘(transverse) stand (with two pairs of crossed legs) etc’ (Udo Uibo). According to older lexicography, Estonian has known the compound words kooljarahe and rahejalg ‘bier, coffin base’, which are not related to the aforementioned Low German loan base, because in Low German loans in Estonian, word-internal -g- is replaced by the partially voiced medial stop -g-, in some cases also -j-, but never -h-. Mägiste has presumed that rahe(-) is related to the Finnic word family rahi: Courland Livonian ra’i ‘chair’, dialectal Finnish rahi : rahin ‘bench with no backboard; stool etc’, Ingrian rahi ~ rähi ‘bench, stove-bench etc’, North Karelian rahi ‘bench’. I propose a Baltic etymology for the word rahi: < Baltic *krasi̯a-, cf. Lithuanian krãsė ‘chair, reclining chair, stool; low footstool; seat’, krasià ‘sofa-like wooden bench with backboard; (reclining) chair; standing/walking chair for a small child; footrest etc’. This Baltic stem has plausible etymological correspondences only in Eastern and Western Slavic languages, e.g. Russian крéсло́ ‘armchair, reclining chair, backrest in a sleigh’. An analogous substitution, i.e. Finnic h < Baltic *s, is e.g. Estonian lahja ‘lean, thin’, dialectal lahi, laih, Finnic laiha etc < Late Proto-Finnic *laiha < Early ProtoFinnnic *lajša < Baltic *laisa-. Estonian rahe ‘hail’ has conformed to other nouns ending in e. Rikkuma, in dialects also rikkima, rikma ‘to break, ruin, damage, smash, destroy; negatively influence someone; decay, deteriorate; (dialectally) go bad, become spoiled’ is a wide-ranging word family found in all Finnic languages: Finnic *rikkoi- < Early Proto-Finnnic *rikka. A Germanic etymology has been proposed for it (Christfrid Ganander 1787), which is rejected by etymological dictionaries of Finnic languages. Another rejected explanation is that of Lauri Hakulinen, who suggested that it is related to the word family rikka : rikan ‘dust, scrap, litter’. I propose a Baltic etymology for this Finnic verb stem, deriving from either 1. Baltic *rika-, on the successors of which are Lithuanian rìkti (riñka ~ reñka ~ rinksta, rìko) ‘to disintegrate, break into pieces, be crushed; to be wrong, confuse, err, act wrongly or imprecisely (e.g. when speaking or enumerating), stumble’, aprìkti ‘to confuse, mix up, garble; to be wrong, do something wrong etc’ or 2. Baltic *trika-, the successors of which are Lithuanian trìkti (triñka, trìko) ‘to be wrong, make a mistake, stumble, get stuck (when speaking, enumerating, etc), stutter; disintegrate; break, be ruined; to be ruined, go out of order (e.g. health); to prematurely give birth; to go crazy, lose one’s mind, rave; to get rabies (of dogs); to get angry; to get confused, puzzled; to engage in mischief, act strangely, impolitely; bother, disturb, annoy etc’. Phonetically, the German and Baltic loan bases are equally plausible, but semantically the Baltic explanation is a better fit. The core meaning of both the Baltic and Finnic word families is ‘to do material damage (i.e. break, ruin)’, from which (likely independently of one another) the other semantic lines have branched off.
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Review of: Amela Šehović i Đenita Haverić Leksika orijentalnog porijekla u frazemama bosanskog jezika, Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Sarajevu, Sarajevo: 2017.
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