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The volume explores and assesses the origins and current state of the private security sector in four Southeast European countries (Bulgaria, Serbia, Albania and Kosovo), with specific reference to principles of good governance and the protection of human rights. In particular, the authors examine when and how the first private security companies developed and whether and how PSCs, their clients, and other factors such as relevant legislation determined the services private security offer today, and which companies were established/have survived in the market. The studies look into the economic importance of private security especially as a source of employment. They also explore if PSCs are able to provide quality security services by looking at the background and qualifications of managers and employees. A number of important questions are addressed: who are the people who work for PSCs, what is their level of expertise and professionalism and what are their working conditions? How important are (political) relationships for the success of a PSC and do domestic political considerations have an impact on which PSC receives contracts and how well they work? How is quality defined and enforced by both PSCs and their clients, especially public sector clients? Finally, do PSCs and state security providers coordinate, cooperate or compete with each other?
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Jedina mjera koju su bosanskohercegovačke vlasti preuzele u skladu s Preporukom Vijeća Evrope upućene državama članicama o mjerama za borbu protiv diskriminacije zasnovane na seksualnoj orijentaciji ili rodnom identitetu (Preporukom CM/ REC(2010)5) jeste uključivanje seksualne orijentacije i seksualnog izražavanja u antidiskriminaciono zakonodavstvo. Međutim, u nedostatku drugih mjera, te u svjetlu teške društvene netrpeljivosti, ovo zakonodavstvo pruža slabu zaštitu lezbejkama, gej i biseksualnim osobama. Prema saznanjima Sarajevskog otvorenog centra, vlasti nisu usvojile nikakve druge mjere za provođenje zahtjeva navedene Preporuke. Konkretno, nije bilo revizije postojeće legislative i drugih mjera koje bi mogle, direktno ili indirektno, dovesti do diskriminacije, ne postoji odredba za zaštitu od diskriminacije na osnovu rodnog identiteta i nema uvođenja sveobuhvatne strategije usmjerene na rješavanje problema javne diskriminacije i na suzbijanje predrasuda i stereotipa. Preporuka i njen Dodatak nisu prevedeni niti su distribuirani široj javnosti od strane vlasti ili civilnog društva. Predrasuda zasnovana na seksualnoj orijentaciji (ali ne i na rodnom identitetu) kao motiv krivičnog djela uzima se kao otežavajuća okolnost u krivičnim zakonima Republike Srpske i Brčko distrikta, ali ne i u Federaciji BiH. Čini se da nema posebne obuke za policijske službenike i pravosuđe u vezi sa homofobnim i transfobnim zločinima iz mržnje, niti za zatvorske službenike u vezi sa LGBT zatvorenicima_cama. Ako i ima podataka o ovome, nisu transparentni i ostali su nam nepoznati. Bosna i Hercegovina nema zakona koji zabranjuju govor mržnje ili podstrekavanje na mržnju na osnovu seksualne orijentacije ili rodnog identiteta (uključujući i govor mržnje na internetu). Iako sloboda izražavanja i okupljanja LGBT osoba postoji u teoriji, nasilje za vrijeme Queer Sarajevo Festivala, kao i neuspjeh vlasti da pruži zaštitu učesnicima_ama, pokazuju da je stvarnost drugačija. Da li i koliko su se stvari poboljšale, bit će vidljivo onda kada LGBT zajednica stekne povjerenje da ponovo pokuša ostvariti slobodu izražavanja i udruživanja u javnom prostoru. Istospolne seksualne radnje nisu krivična djela. Nisu preduzeti koraci za uklanjanje diskriminacije u pristupu pravima parova i roditeljstva. Onda kada je promjena spola završena, pojedinac_ka može podnijeti zahtjev za izmjenu oznake spola u svim zvaničnim dokumentima uključujući, u prvoj fazi, jedinstveni matični broj. Stoga, u proceduri zakonske izmjene spola izražen je uvredljiv zahtjev, kojim se traži da osoba u potpunosti hirurški izmijeni spol kako bi se oznaka spola u njegovim_njenim zvaničnim dokumentima promijenila, čime se povređuje pravo na vlastito rodno izražavanje. Zakon o radu Brčko distrikta i Zakon o radu u institucijama BiH zabranjuju diskriminaciju na osnovu seksualne orijentacije, ali isti zakoni u Federaciji BiH i Republici Srpskoj ne zabranjuju. Prema informacijama koje je Sarajevski otvoreni centar dobio od institucija vlasti, nijedna druga mjera koju predlaže Preporuka nije poduzeta, uključujući i one u vezi sa oružanim snagama, kao i privatnošću transrodnih osoba. Zakon o zabrani diskriminacije Bosne i Hercegovine, kao i neki pravni instrumenti na entitetskom nivou, izričito zabranjuju diskriminaciju na osnovu seksualne orijentacije u obrazovanju, ali isto tako ne uključuju izričito diskriminaciju i na osnovu rodnog identiteta. Međutim, druge mjere, kao što je očuvanje prava djece i mladih na obrazovanje u bezbjednom okruženju izuzetom od nasilja, socijalne isključenosti i drugih oblika diskriminacije, koje su predložene Preporukom, nisu provedene. Analiza školskih udžbenika pokazuje da se u nekima homoseksualnost definiše kao bolest i svrstava u grupu poremećaja poput pedofilije i narkomanije. Homoseksualnost se više ne klasifikuje kao bolest, programi prevencije HIV-a/ AIDS-a uključuju LGBT osobe, a LGBT osobe mogu da identifikuju svoje partnere kao kontakt osobu u slučajevima nužde. Ipak, čini se da druge mjere koje se odnos na oblast zdravstva, koje su predložene Preporukom, nisu primjenjene. Zakon o zabrani diskriminacije BiH zabranjuje diskriminaciju na osnovu seksualne orijentacije u oblasti stanovanja, ali ne i na osnovu rodnog identiteta. Ni u ovoj oblasti nisu provedene konkretne mjere predložene Preporukom. Bosanskohercegovački zakoni ne navode izričito seksualnu orijentaciju ili rodni identitet u kontekstu azila. Ovlaštenja ombudsmena za ljudska prava izričito uključuju seksualnu orijentaciju, ali ne i rodni identitet. Međutim, ombudsmen je uključio rodni identitet u radu Institucije i, u granicama svojih resursa, sprovodi neke od aktivnosti predloženih Preporukom. Ipak, zbog nedostatka sredstava, Institucija ombudsmena/ombudsmana za ljudska prava BiH ne sprovodi opsežne javne kampanje u cilju promicanja antidiskriminacije na osnovu seksualne orijentacije i rodnog identiteta.
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The text contains the proceedings of the conference Democratic Institutions and Human Rights in the Context of Bulgaria's Accession to the European Union, 19 June 1995.
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Societies in whose present time the authoritarian past is still a socially relevant thing may be placed in two opposing manners in front of this morally, politically and legally compromising past: there is a distinct difference between the policy of coping with the past and the policy of non coping with the past. In German, the only language with a specific expression for the complex phenomenon of the former, for ‘cope with’ the past (Vergangenheitsbewältigung), one can also use the synonym Vergangenheitsaufarbeitung. However, ‘to cope with’ is a bet-ter expression. The expression, as well as ‘to prevail over’ the past and ‘to get control over’ the past – indicates more clearly that at issue is a process by which the past is dealt with: to im- pose over, to get control over the past that imposed over us, and it would impose over us again, if we do not impose over it. The extreme patterns of the reactions to the authoritarian past by which it cannot be prevailed are on one side retaliation and pure vendetta and on the other side the 'as-if-nothing-has-happened' pattern: closing your eyes before the authoritarian past. By neither method, it must be emphasized, can the past be prevailed over. Retaliation is an authoritarian fight with the authoritarian past, but not the prevailing over it. Fire cannot be fought with fire here. The authoritarian fight with the past, even if it was authoritarian, is just a repetition, but with the opposite roles.
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In this article, the legal framework for the disciplinary repression within the Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina is subjected to criticism, using dogmatic, historical, sociological, philosophical and comparative methods of the legal science. Doubts which concerns the legal nature of this institution, framing it within administrative, criminal and labor law, are resolved in the context of a professional military organization, in favour of the latest. Starting from the prevailing labour nature of military discipline, it was concluded that this framework does not provide minimum procedural guarantees under Articles 5, 6 and 13 of the (European) Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, and detected the substantial and technical shortcomings that compromise the legal certainty. Suggested solutions to overcome the present situation, in terms of reform of the legal framework, comprise of legislation that would regulate this issue thoroughly, institutional guarantees of independence and impartiality of the Armed Force's Legal Service and establishment of the military justice core, in order to protect the human rights of members of the Armed Forces in a way that does not compromise military efficiency.
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(English edition) Although Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) has made significant progress since the conflict in the mid 1990s, it still faces significant development challenges, such as high unemployment, underdeveloped rural areas, and an under-resourced and inefficient social welfare system. The economy is at 70% of its pre-war level of development, and 20% of the population lives below the poverty line, which is very high, given that an additional 30% of the population lives slightly above the poverty line. Taking these facts into account, the establishment of an efficient free legal aid system is pall the more important given the social status of BiH citizens and poverty rates in the country. In addition, many citizens remain uninformed about their rights and a large number of unresolved legal disputes instigated by citizens is hindering the efficient functioning of the courts in BiH. Finally, the large majority of citizens of BiH throughout find that the country should have an equally guaranteed right to the minimum free legal aid (90%). Despite these conditions, the current free legal aid system in BiH is unable to provide minimum legal assistance services to all citizens in BiH on an equal basis. As such, it does not fulfill the international and European standards in this regard. The NGO Vaša prava, the largest free legal aid provider in the country, states that the current free legal aid framework “is characterized by the absence of policy planning, many deviations from the Justice Sector Reform Strategy in BiH, as well as fragmentation and different approach in dealing with issues of legal aid. Also, the role of NGOs in the system of free legal aid has been continually minimized, which led to the absolute exclusion of NGOs from the public consultation process.”Public institutions have not been proactive in organising the provision of free legal aid in a systematic matter. Several legal aid services have recently been established in Republika Srpska, Brcko District and several other cantons, but these remain unavailable in many other cantons and in most rural areas. These and other similar issues have been identified as reasons for the adoption of a national legislative framework which would provide basic free legal aid and legal mechanisms for the reform of existing laws that may be a source of discrimination against citizens on the basis of the place where they may live. This report intends to add to the on-going policy debate by providing an analysis of the legal framework and current practice relating to the provision of information and assistance services to citizens and aims to identify several viable policy recommendations. In order to address these issues and policy options, a survey on the provision of information, advice and legal aid services in Bosnia and Herzegovina was organised throughout the period from March to May 2013. The purpose of the survey was to map existing citizens information and assistance services, to identify gaps in services and to develop policy recommendations. The survey was sent to an extensive number of public institutions – including municipalities and providers of free legal aid, as well as non-governmental organizations and trade unions were contacted in order. In total, 65 organizations participated in the survey, out of which 24 were public institutions (free legal aid institutions and municipalities) and 41 are non-governmental organizations.
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The State Prosecutorial Council and the High Court Council were proscribed for the first time in the Constitutional Act from 2006. According to that legal act, they had dominant role in the process of election of new prosecutors and judges. These provisions were good base, and it seemed like the fundamental principles were made in that important field and that in future they will be improved in the way to minimize the political influences. In the meantime, the legislative authority made special intervenings, regarding the recruitment and appointment of new judges and prosecutors, in the Law on Judicial Academy, Law on Judges and Law on Public Prosecution Office. They destablized the constitutional jurisdiction of the State Prosecutorial Council and the High Court Council in the way that they tried to define the sort of candidates that had the exclusive right of access to the career of a judge or a prosecutors, and after that to establish privileges for one small group – the beneficiaries of initial trainings, that are organized by the Judicial Academy. The content of these legal attempts, concrete provisions, their influence on the process of selection the candidates of the most important judicial functions and the decisions of the Constitutional Court, which refer to this field are the analized in this paper.
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(English edition) The right to free legal aid is a fundamental human right and a precondition for the enjoyment of other human rights such as the right to a fair trial and the right to an effective remedy. The right to a fair trial is guaranteed by numerous international instruments on human rights, which were signed by Bosnia and Herzegovina. Access to justice is guaranteed by the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina and represents an essential element of a functioning rule of law system. At the same time effective legal protection is not possible without providing legal assistance which is ensured by experts. The goal of free legal aid is to remove obstacles to access to justice; this is done by providing assistance to those who otherwise would not be able to bear the costs of legal representation and legal protection. This right contributes to the strengthening of public confidence in the equal access to justice both in front domestic and international tribunals. Since in Bosnia and Herzegovina there are 600.000 people living below the poverty line, the fact is that many of them cannot achieve free access to courts and pay lawyers; as such they are not able to properly and effectively protect their rights. Thus far, the reform processes that aimed at establishing a sustainable and comprehensive system of legal aid were unsuccessful. In Bosnia and Herzegovina there is no law on free legal aid that established the minimum rights of citizens in regards to legal aid. However the laws on free legal aid were separately adopted in the Republika Srpska, Brčko District, and in eight of the ten cantons in the Federation. In the new Strategy for Justice Sector Reform in BiH for the period 2014–2018 it is stated that it is necessary to provide “the continuation of strategic action to establish the legal and institutional framework of free legal aid throughout the territory of BiH and harmonize the laws ensures the minimum standards for all and guarantees equality before the law.” Association for Democratic Initiatives in 2013 carried out an analysis of the nature and availability of free legal aid, information and consultation which has been used for the production of the first report entitled Access to Justice: Providing information, advice and free legal assistance in BiH. A second analysis was performed based on the findings of the first report. The survey had 53 nongovernmental organizations that provide free legal aid and 21 institutions in the period September – December 2015. Moreover, it included the analysis of existing legislation and legal practices in BiH and the existing capacity of providers of free legal aid. The goal of this analysis is to detect and analyze the obstacles faced by citizens who try to exercise their rights in courts and government bodies, and gain a deeper insight into the experience with free legal aid as a mechanism that is available to those citizens who are faced with financial barriers or discrimination in the exercise of their rights. The analysis gave an overview of the existing problems in this field and the ways of overcoming them. The key conclusion is the need for the soonest adoption of the Law on Free Legal Assistance at the state level as a precondition for the establishment of a harmonized free legal aid system which would fully reflect the international and European standards and practices at all levels of government.
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CONSTITUTIONAL PROCESS IN UKRAINE: NEW REALITIES, NEW CHALLENGES, NEW APPROACHES // SECTION 1. Attempts to revise the constitutional basis of he state power: 2000-2010 // SECTION 2. Deformation and recovery of the constitutional order in 2010-2014 // SECTION 3. Current state of the constitutional process (2015): evaluations and suggestions // IMPLEMENTATION OF CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM: VISION OF PROFESSIONALS // RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS AND RESPONSIBILITIES OF HUMANS AND CITIZENS // JUSTICE, RELATED LEGAL INSTITUTIONS AND LAW ENFORCEMENT ACTIVITIES // CONSTITUTIONAL PRINCIPLES OF ORGANIZATION AND EXERCISE OF STATE AUTHORITY, LOCAL GOVERNMENT, ADMINISTRATIVE-TERRITORIAL STRUCTURE OF UKRAINE AND DECENTRALIZATION OF POWER // CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM IN EXPERTS 'ASSESSMENTS // CHANGES TO THE CONSTITUTION AND THE CONSTITUTIONAL PROCESS THROUGH THE EYES OF CITIZENS // CONSTITUTIONAL PROCESS IN UKRAINE: ANSWERING NEW CHALLENGES OR REPEATING OLD MISTAKES? //LATEST CONSTITUTIONAL PROCESS AND PROCESS OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT REFORM // PRINCIPLE OF COMPULSORY ELECTION AND ITS CONSTITUTIONAL IMPLEMENTATION // COMPETITIVE PRINCIPLES AND TERMINOLOGICAL NOVELS IN THE PROCESS OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT REFORM // WHY NOT CREATE A COURT THAT PEOPLE WILL TRUST WITHOUT CHANGES TO THE CONSTITUTION // LEADERSHIP IS AN EFFECTIVE COMPONENT OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC TERRITORIAL DEVELOPMENT
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Naša skrpljena Vlada nastavila je sa izdavanjem nesuvislih saopštenja koja, osim što nemaju veze sa zdravim razumom, protivreče Ustavu i zakonima Srbije. I ma koliko da se čovek već navikao da živi u pravnom limbu, ispraznom prostoru koji je svuda, pa i ovde, nekad bio popunjen osnovnim pravilima ponašanja u svakodnevnom životu, ne može da prestane da se čudi. A dok se mi čudimo oni nastavljaju sa svojim svečano, nekad i dramatično predstavljenim besmislicama koje nemilice bacaju u etar, kao da je tu središte naših života i smrti. Sad su namerili da dopunjavaju Zakon o zaštiti stanovništva od zaraznih bolesti, iako je baš taj Zakon, i to upravo u vremenima pandemije, jedan od onih koji se sa komocijom, ignorancijom i arogancijom zvaničnika, uopšte ne primenjuje.
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Mediji su juče objavili vest da je Vlada odobrila izmene Zakona o zaštiti stanovništva od zaraznih bolesti. Informisanje o izmenama ovog zakona u jeku epidemije je naročito važno za svakog građanina. Upravo zato je način izveštavanja kojem svedočimo veliki problem. Naime, Vlada ne može da odobrava izmene zakona. Vlada može samo da predloži izmene Narodnoj skupštini. Tek kada ih Narodna skupština usvoji i kada te izmene budu objavljene u Službenom glasniku, možemo da razgovaramo o nečemu što je obavezno za sve.
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Na skupu „Pravosuđe u doba pandemije virusa COVID-19“ održanog 25.9.2020. u organizaciji Društva sudija Srbije između ostalih su govorili Dragana Boljević i Gordana Vidojković iz Društva sudija, Lidija Komlen Nikolić iz Udruženja tužilaca, Radovan Lazić iz Državnog veća tužilaca, Sudija Apelacionog suda Omer Hadžiomerović i Vida Petrović Škero iz Centra za pravosudna istraživanja…
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Osnov formiranja, sastav i nadležnosti Kriznog štaba za suzbijanje zarazne bolesti COVID-19 predmet su javne debate od njegovog osnivanja 13. marta ove godine. Interesovanje za rad Kriznog štaba se pojačavalo svakom njegovom sumnjivom odlukom ili predlogom; odbijanjima da odgovori na ključna pitanja o toku epidemije i neophodnim merama za njeno suzbijanje; sumnjama da je svesno prikrivao podatke o razmerama epidemije i stanju u zdravstvenom sistemu. Interesovanje za status Kriznog štaba je u izvesnom smislu kulminiralo peticijom lekara „Ujedinjeni protiv kovida“, kojom se traži smena njegovih članova. Istovremeno čuli smo i glasove pravnika, pa i autora Peščanika, koji smatraju da je umesto Kriznog štaba potrebno formirati Republičku komisiju za zaštitu stanovništva od zaraznih bolesti, koja ima zakonom propisanu nadležnost da razmatra i predlaže epidemiološke mere.
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Sticajem okolnosti (ili đavoljim naumom?) novi talas epidemije poklopio se sa još jednim postom za pravoslavne vernike, koji se završio 12. jula. I ovaj post bio je praćen, razume se, pričešćivanjem vernika, iako ne toliko masovnim kao u slučaju Uskršnjeg posta. Zato, sva je prilika, nije bilo medijskih sadržaja u vezi sa ovom temom, premda je problem, po svojoj suštini, bio istovetan onom koji je postojao i u aprilu. Iz Beča je, doduše, stigla informacija o zatvaranju tri tamošnje pravoslavne bogomolje zbog velike zastupljenosti zaraze među njihovim služiteljima, pri čemu je do toga došlo upravo nekoliko dana po završetku Petrovskog posta. U ovom tekstu baviću se, međutim, temom od pre nekoliko meseci, naime pitanjem mogućnosti države da ograničavajuće interveniše u domenu slobode veroispovesti, u uslovima vanrednog stanja, proglašenog usled epidemije zarazne bolesti.
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The general condition of judiciary systems across Europe creates the need to point out that the problematisation of the judiciary’s legitimacy is, in many countries (such as Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria, Romania, Italy), essentially the consequence of attempts made by political powers (executive and legislative) to reduce the achieved level of independence of the judiciary in those countries. This is due to the fact that the independent judiciary poses an obstacle for said powers to implement their political agendas without control or any respect for the law. Consequently, political authorities often attack the judiciary more fiercely than their own political opponents. This process did not pass Serbia by, either. The depoliticisation of the judiciary, which was proclaimed as a strategic goal in 2013, was the guiding idea of the Action Plan for Chapter 23, because of which even a change in the Constitution was planned. Over time, during the process of constitutional reform, different intentions of political authorities grew increasingly intense and more visible. The independence of the judiciary became a problematic concept to the political powers because it allegedly lacked legitimacy. Therefore, the strategic goal was deviated from in several ways. The deviation took its final form in the Draft of the Constitutional amendments, published on October 11th, 2018, and prepared by the Ministry of Justice. The Venice Commission of the Council of Europe – meaning the European Union itself, did not make any remarks on that particular Draft of the Constitutional amendments, unlike the other two expert bodies of the Council of Europe - the Consultative Council of European Judges and the Consultative Council of European Prosecutors. However, the disagreements within the Council of Europe, and the fact that on November 30, 2018. the Government submitted to the National Assembly a proposal to change specific articles of the Constitution relating to the judiciary, without substantive proposals for future constitutional solutions, enable, in fact, the National Assembly to be an authentic constitution-maker (if it decides to change the Constitution), to organise the broadest possible expert debate and to subsequently produce a quality constitutional text. The current constitutional changes have shed a light on a number of paradoxes. The politicians acknowledge that Serbia must be based on the division of power and the rule of law, but at the same time, they think that the legitimacy of all state powers is acquired through political elections, in which „the winner takes it all“. Politicians advocate for the improvement of standards in the judiciary in order to strengthen the rule of law and in the same breath, declare that the independence of the judiciary is a fetish. They accept that the judiciary must be independent and at the same time advocate the view that, with greater institutional guarantees of independence, the judiciary would have no legitimacy, and that its legitimacy would be provided by greater political control. Therefore, a precise, well-founded, and clear indication of the sources of legitimacy of the judiciary, which are fully in accordance with functional democratic societies and an inseparable part of the rule of law, is proving to be an urgent need in Serbia, as well. Despite such a social atmosphere, and in the given conditions of an unfinished institutional framework, it remains the duty of each judicial institution, and especially the courts and the High Judicial Council, as well as each judge individually, to prove the justification of the rule of law by their work and calling, thereby fortifying their own legitimacy, as well as the legitimacy of the judiciary as a whole.
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The establishment of a single portal for e-procurement (www.ejn.gov.ba) in late 2014 is a good basis for the development of an efficient e-procurement system in BiH. However, so far, approximately one half of the functional modules needed for a completed system of electronic public procurement have been implemented, and important formal-legal preconditions, primarily bylaws from the Law on Electronic Signature and the Law on Public Procurement, are missing. Those bylaws would enable electronic submission and bid evaluation. All of this indicates the electronic procurement system is still in an early developmental phase. That is why it is crucial that all elements of an electronic public procurement system are established as soon as possible, because they can significantly contribute to the improvement of transparency, efficiency and cost-effectiveness in public procurement in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Na popisu iz 2013. godine 12.583 osobe izjasnile su se kao Romi i Romkinje, dok su 252 osobe iskoristile drugačije termine, poput „bošnjački Rom“, „Ciganin“, „muslimanski Rom“, „bijeli Rom“ itd., dok se dvanaest osoba izjasnilo kao Egipćani. Procjene o broju Roma koji žive u Bosni i Hercegovini ne podudaraju se sa zvaničnim podacima popisa. Ministarstvo za ljudska prava i izbjeglice Bosne i Hercegovine procjenjuje da u državi živi najmanje 25.000 do 30.000 Roma. Međunarodne i lokalne nevladine organizacije u Bosni i Hercegovini iz godine u godinu izvještavaju o sistemskoj, višestrukoj i višegeneracijskoj isključenost romske populacije koja ostavlja snažne posljedice na kvalitetu života velikog broja Roma u Bosni i Hercegovini. Romska populacija susreće se s velikom stopom nezaposlenosti, lošim stambenim uslovima i diskriminacijom u institucijama i javnom životu. Izuzetno mali broj Roma radi u policiji i drugim javnim ustanovama, dok se samo jedna sutkinja u Bosni i Hercegovini izjašnjava kao Romkinja. Nije zvanično utvrđeno koliko Roma u Bosni i Hercegovini ne posjeduju lične dokumente, čime im se ograničava pristup građanskim, političkim, socijalnim, ekonomskim i kulturnim pravima. Nemogućnost pribavljanja dokumenata povezana je sa siromaštvom i niskim društvenim statusom romskih zajednica, što vodi daljnjoj isključenosti iz javnog života. Romi nailaze na brojne prepreke u ostvarivanju pristupa osnovnom i srednjem obrazovanju, jer često romske porodice ne mogu platiti troškove školovanja djece. Romi i sami nerijetko odustaju od školovanja zbog diskriminacije. Istraživanja provedena u Bosni i Hercegovini tokom protekle decenije pokazala su da patrijarhalni stavovi i niži stepen obrazovanja Romkinja u odnosu na muškarce sunarodnjake imaju veliki uticaj na nizak standard i izloženost Romkinja nasilju i diskriminaciji i unutar i van svojih zajednica. Aktivnosti koje provode institucije usmjerene na zapošljavanje, obrazovanje, stambeno zbrinjavanje i zdravstvenu zaštitu često ne daju odgovarajuće rezultate; nekada aktivnosti nisu adekvatno usklađene s potrebama, a nekada izostaje praćenje i održivost pojedinih aktivnosti. Atlantska inicijativa provela je istraživanje u periodu od aprila do juna 2020. godine s osnovnim ciljem da istraži stavove romske populacije kada je riječ o pristupu i povjerenju Roma u institucije sigurnosti i pravosuđa. Studija osigurava uvid u probleme s kojima se susreću Romi i Romkinje u kontaktu s pravosudnim sistemom. Polazeći od rezultata istraživanja, formulirali smo preporuke za unapređenje položaja Roma neophodne za jačanje povjerenja između romske populacije i institucija u Bosni i Hercegovini. Identificirane su prepreke izgradnji povjerenja Roma u pravosudne institucije, kao i specifični problemi i potrebe kada je riječ o pristupu Romkinja pravosudnim institucijama. Istraživanje je zamišljeno i kao podsticaj bosanskohercegovačkim institucijama i međunarodnim organizacijama da, polazeći od specifičnih potreba romske populacije, omoguće bolji i ravnopravan pristup Roma i Romkinja pravosudnom sistemu. Metode koje su primijenjene u istraživanju uključuju normativnu analizu važećih domaćih i međunarodnih propisa, analizu postojeće literature i provedenih istraživanja te prikupljanje podataka putem polustrukturiranih i strukturiranih intervjua s Romima i predstavnicima/cama pravosudnih institucija u Bosni i Hercegovini. Iako je inicijalno predviđeno da istraživanje uključi veći broj detaljnih intervjua, od predviđenog broja intervjua se moralo odustati uslijed početka pandemije izazvane virusom bolesti COVID-19. Mogućnost provođenja online intervjua i fokus grupa, nakon konsultacija s predstavnicima romskog Udruženja „Kali Sara“, nije uzeta u razmatranje zbog slabijeg pristupa sredstvima internetske komunikacije većine Roma. Ankete, iako predstavljaju mišljenje ograničenog uzorka romske populacije, pružaju uvid u veoma složenu temu pristupa Roma pravosuđu. Kreiranju ankete istraživačice su prišle sa stanovišta da su Romi ugroženi kada je riječ o pristupu javnim institucijama zbog sistemske diskriminacije i isključenosti iz društvenih tokova. Romske nevladine organizacije, s kojima je Atlantska inicijativa imala priliku da sarađuje, navode da opća populacija, kao i osobe koje rade s Romima, nerijetko imaju implicitne predrasude kojih nisu svjesni i da je potrebno ozbiljno i sistemsko tretiranje anticiganizma u Bosni i Hercegovini, odnosno višestruke, dugotrajne diskriminacije, predrasuda i pogrešnih stavova o Romima, što je česta pojava u BiH i drugim zemljama Zapadnog Balkana i Evrope. U vezi s navedenim, a u cilju stvaranja atmosfere povjerenja tokom provođenja istraživanja, Atlantska inicijativa i Udruženje „Kali Sara“ donijeli su odluku da istraživači na terenu budu Romi kako bi se ostvario viši stepen povjerenja u istraživače i dobile što preciznije informacije. Sudije koje su zaposlene na različitim referatima i lokacijama i koje imaju profesionalno iskustvo u radu s Romima odgovarale su na otvorene upitnike koji su im dostavljeni putem elektronske pošte. Osim svojih ličnih iskustava i stavova, sudije su adresirale i pitanja općih stavova prema problemima pristupa i povjerenja Roma prema pravosudnim institucijama. Metode istraživanja, lokacije na kojima je istraživanje rađeno, kao i usaglašavanje upitnika proces je koji je usaglašavan između Atlantske inicijative i Udruženja „Kali Sara“. Interpretaciju i analizu rezultata uradile su istraživačice Atlantske inicijative. Osobe s kojima su obavljeni polustrukturirani intervjui pripadaju različitim starosnim i socioekonomskim skupinama i žive na različitim lokacijama u Bosni i Hercegovini. Romi koji su učestvovali u istraživanju podijeljeni su u dvije kategorije: Romi angažirani u nevladinim organizacijama (11 učesnika/ca) i Romi koji nisu uključeni u rad organizacija i nisu aktivni u javnom i/ili političkom životu (136 učesnika/ca). Od navedenog broja u istraživanju je učestvovalo 73 posto muškaraca i 27 posto žena, što dovodi do problematizacije omjera žena i muškaraca koji su obuhvaćeni istraživanjem. Ukupno sedam sudija dalo je odgovore na pitanja koja su se odnosila na pristup Roma institucijama pravosuđa. Istraživanjem su obuhvaćena ukupno 154 ispitanika. Kada govorimo o metodološkim ograničenjima ovog istraživanja, primarno moramo spomenuti ograničen broj intervjuiranih Roma te da se nalazi istraživanja ne mogu generalizirati za cijelu romsku populaciju. Uprkos ograničenjima, studija obezbjeđuje uvid u probleme s kojima se susreću Romi i Romkinje u kontaktu s pravosudnim sistemom.
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In this document, the position of the Ombudsman (Protector of Citizens) will be discussed from the point of view of the attitude of the National Assembly and the Government of the Republic of Serbia toward the Ombudsman’s regular annual reports. In the past ten years, Serbia has largely regressed in terms of democracy and the rule of law. Data from international and domestic organisations point to a state that has been captured by one party, the collapse of the separation of powers, and the absence of political dialogue. On the other hand, the Government of Serbia keeps emphasising the rule of law as its main priority in the accession negotiations with the European Union (EU). For the EU, the development of democratic processes is the main aspect of Serbia’s approach. In such circumstances, the attitude of the legislative and executive powers towards the report of the Ombudsman shows whether the authorities are essentially or just formally committed to the rule of law and admission to the European Union. The Ombudsman is an independent state body that protects the rights of citizens and controls the legality of the work of the administration. Its role is protected by the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia. The Global Alliance for National Human Rights Institutions (GANHRI) gave it the highest status A, which shows that its work is in line with international standards. However, analyses reveal certain weaknesses of this independent institution. The reports on Serbia’s progress in the process of accession to the European Union for 2021 and 2022 highlighted the need to strengthen the Ombudsman by providing staffing and financial resources and ensuring systematic cooperation with the authorities. Although there are numerous challenges in the work of the Ombudsman, this document analyses only the practice of its reporting to the National Assembly, in the context of ongoing reforms implemented for the purpose of Serbia’s accession to the European Union. We particularly stress the importance of the Ombudsman in strengthening democratic institutions and fulfilling the criteria from the negotiation Chapters 23 (Judiciary and Fundamental Rights) and 24 (Justice, Freedom and Security), and propose solutions that contribute to political responsibility and the rule of law.
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