![The Slovene Re-Actualization of Hegel’s Philosophy](/api/image/getissuecoverimage?id=picture_2015_21526.jpg)
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The article is a confrontation with Robert Brandom’s reading of Hegel’s Phenomenology of Spirit, his attempt to systematically “renormalize” Hegel, i.e., to reduce his extravagant formulations to the criteria of common sense. The article analyses a number of Brandom’s “domestications” of Hegel’s speculative concepts: self-relating, determinate negation, mediation, In-itself, action, knowledge, Spirit, reconciliation, history. On the basis of the examples from Marx, Freud, structuralism, Lévi-Strauss, Althusser, Lacan, Adorno, the text defends Hegel’s “madness”, the irreducible speculative, non-interpretable core of his philosophy. Hegel’s statements have to shock us, and this excess cannot be explained away through interpretation since the truth they deliver hinges on that.
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Through an original and extraordinarily fruitful reading of the Hegelian conception of negativity, Catherine Malabou developed the concept of plasticity which she keeps working on as one of her cardinal concepts even to this day. Engaging in the problematic of unity in Hegel, the paper takes on the task of trying to answer the question whether plasticity is one or are there several plasticities. The author argues that one must be careful not to reduce the inherent multiple of plasticity to a single plasticity which becomes plasticity par excellence: the plasticity of plastic explosion, of an abrupt and absolute break, to be distinguished from a creative or productive plasticity of habit. Malabou claimed that Hegel was – contrary to what Deleuz read in him – a philosopher of conceptual multitude as a multitude which cannot be reduced to only one image, the image of unity. If this is true, then the concept of plasticity itself with which she grasped the essence of Hegel’s dialectics, should be understood at least as a “unity in conflict”, if not as an inorganic, inhomogeneous, composed unity – and perhaps even as a unity of the pack.
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The paper provides a modest reading of Hegel’s treatment of selfconsciousness in his Phenomenology of Spirit and tries to present it as an integral part of the overall project of the experience of consciousness leading from understanding to reason. Its immediate objective is, it is argued, to think the independence and dependence, that is the pure and empirical I within the same unity of self-consciousness. This implies a double movement of finding a proper existence for the pure I and at the same time a breaking down of the empirical I’s attachment to particularity. It is argued that the Hegelian struggle for recognition intends to show how the access to reason demands the subject’s renunciation of its attachment to particularity, that is to sacrifice not only its bare life but every thing indeed, including its particular identity, and yet, to go on living.
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The article attempts to reconstruct the logical space within which, at the beginning of Hegel’s Logic, “being” and “nothing” are entitled to emerge and receive their names. In German Idealism, the concept of “being” is linked to the form of a proposition; Fichte grounds a new truth-value on the absolute thesis of the “thetical judgement”. And the article’s first thesis claims that Hegel couldn’t have placed “being” at the beginning of this great system, if the ground of its logical space had not been laid out by precisely those shifts of German Idealism that posited the ontological function of the judgement. At the same time, the abstract negation, the absence of a relation and sufficient reason between “being” and “nothing”, reveals a structure of an irreducibly dual beginning. The logical background of this original duality could be constituted by the invention of the “transcendental inter-subjectivity” in German Idealism, manifested, for instance, in Hegel’s life-and-death struggle of two self-consciousnesses. The second thesis therefore suggests that “being” and “nothing” are elements of the logical space, established in concreto in a social situation of (at least) two subjects one of whom poses an affirmative statement and the other negates it abstractly. From here, one could draw out the coordinates of a sphere by the name of “public” whose structure is defined by the invalidation of two basic laws of thought, the law of non-contradiction and the principle of sufficient reason. The article shows how only the statements capable of absorbing negation, of sustaining a co-existence of affirmation and its symmetrical, abstract negation, can climb the ladder of public perceptibility and social impact.
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The paper takes as its starting point the figure of the owl as the emblem of philosophy, it looks at its history and takes up its most significant philosophical use, the notorious passage where Hegel uses the owl as the indic ation of philosophy’s necessary belatedness. This is the passage which is usually taken as the point of indictment of Hegel’s position and the role he ascribed to philosophy. Hegel’s adage ‘What is rational is actual, and what is actual is rational’ is scrutinized in its various aspects, particularly in view of its other version, ‘what is rational must happen’. The tension between the ‘is’ and the ‘ought’ is perhaps the clue to understanding this adage, where Hegel doesn’t opt for the one or the other, but aims at the paradoxical intersection of the two. Hegel’s adage is put in contrast with Marx’s Thesis Eleven. The paper considers the concepts of the rational, the actual, the belatedness/retroaction, the grayness and finally the owl (and the part that bestiary plays in philosophy), thus trying to circumscribe the task that should be assigned to philosophy.
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In this paper the author’s intention is to bring closer Ortega y Gasset’s particular understanding of Kant’s as well as Hegel’s philosophy. His perspective, on the one hand, reveals that crucial thing in a proper understanding of Kant’s philosophy is the fact that he was a German and a man of modern times, and on the other hand, it recognizes Kant’s “Copernican turn” to be the bravest revolution in the human history. The part of the paper which explores reception of Hegel’s philosophy shows how some of the Hegel’s ideas on philosophy of history emerge in Ortega y Gasset’s concept of historical science, that is, how they are being understood, accepted, criticized, interpreted, and modified.
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The aim of this short essay is to elaborate the relationship of E. Husserl’s phenomenology to the philosophy of José Ortega y Gasset. Ortega y Gasset encountered phenomenology very early, in the first decade of the 20th century, during the course of his philosophical studies in Marburg. Neo-Kantian philosophy of his Marburg teachers Cohen and Natorp was inadequate for his own philosophical efforts, so Ortega y Gasset was introduced to the early phenomenological writings of Husserl and Scheler. Since then begins his intense critical engagement with phenomenology. Although often very critical of Husserl, the thesis of this paper is that Husserl was Ortega y Gasset’s permanent philosophical “interlocutor”, and that the Spanish philosopher’s own philosophy (particularly its fundamental concepts) has phenomenological foundations.
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This paper presents Kant’s view on suicide which he considers, above all, a violation of a duty toward ourselves and, therefore, immoral. Since in Kant’s ethical sistem this duty is perfect, suicide is even self-contradictory, which is a much stronger thesis because Kant thereby denies this act rationality. For David Hume, on the other hand, suicide as a rational and deliberate decision of an individual, has nothing inherently wrong, neither logically nor morally. My point of view is much closer to Hume’s and I will try to argue that, contrary to Kant, suicide can be perceived as a rational decision of an individual.
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Dame i gospodo! Prije nego što započnem sa svojim predavanjem, rado bih zahvalio Rajnsko-rurskom klubu na ljubaznome pozivu. Po tom bih se unaprijed rado ispričao za svoj loš njemački. Za mene je, međutim, velika radost držati predavanje na Hegelovu jeziku.
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Tko je bio Aleksandar Vladimirovič Koževnikov? Kako bismo shvatili Koževnikova, Rusa koji je preuzeo francusko državljanstvo i promijenio ime Aleksandar Koževnikov u Alexandre Kojeve, trebamo za misliti utjecajnoga agenta ruske obavještajne službe, KGB-a, koji je djelovao u središtu Europe i francuske ekonomske i međunarodne ekonomske politike.
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The abusive interpretation of a text is common practice in the history of philosophy. Johann Gottlieb Fichte is, however, from this point of view, a ‘case’. He is the model of a well-intentioned author, who attacks, in his writings of political philosophy, a de-demonization of the political power, through a new kind of education. This process, however, has led to the emergence of other ‘demons’. He is the creator of the myth of the nation as political myth, in which the magical function of the word predominates over the function of semantics, in the meanings specified by Cassirer in The Myth of the State. In Nazi philosophical and ideological discourse, ‘The Divine Idea’ of Fichte is tacitly replaced by the new Weltanschauung, his political idealism thus becoming a danger.
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Kant argues about the concept of history trough three issues: the issue of perception, the issue of morality and the issue of politics. He wants to present the human journey from the wilderness to the civilization to culture and from culture to morality. The universality of Kant indicates to the human orgin is connected to the mutual destiny of the mankind could be developed. According to this, history is showing us many antagonisms of the nature and the intellect as parts from which are the human gifts for morality developed. The progress the development of the civilization is a product from the conflict as a part of nature, and the last aim of this development is the establishment of the world’s civilization. With the establishment of the world’s civilization is not only the freedom of mankind in their relationship guaranteed but also in the relationship of countries. The purpose of this work is not only to present the theological background of Kant’s concept of history, but also to put the accent on the issues about the (im)possibility of the realisation of the historical aim, and these issues are engendered in Kant’s philosophy.
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The review of: Nietzsche és a Parsifal. Prolegomena egy személyiségetikához (Nietzsche and Parsifal. Prolegomena to an Ethics of Personality) by Ágnes Heller; Translated by Magdolna Módos, Horror Mataphysicae series, Budapest: Századvég Kiadó—Gond, 1994, 154 pp.
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Prije nego što krenem sa svojim izlaganjem, želio bih precizirati u kakvom je ono odnosu prema generalnoj temi: "Moral i demokracija". Ustvari, naslov mog izlaganja može navesti na pomisao da sam ja želio reartikulirati odnos kantovske moralne teorije prema demokraciji čija bi moderna forma omogućila rješenje sumnji (aporija) Kantove političke misli. Tu bi se radilo, naprimjer, o tome da se prevladaju protuslovlja između monologističkog morala i nužno pluralnog političkog društva, počevši od dostignuća komunikacionalne ili diskursivne teorije; ili, pak konkretnije, ja bih poduzeo ponovno iščitavanje teza o "kosmopolitskoj historiji" i o "vječitom miru" u svijetlu našeg XX stoljeća koje se bliži kraju, preuzimajući, naprimjer, Kantov očito dvosmisleni stav prema Francuskoj revoluciji ili pak, njegova razmatranja o projektu prosvjetiteljstva.
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Uvoluminoznom delu, Kritici čistog uma (1781), zahtevajući radikalno novo utemeljenje za celokupnu oblast teorijskog, Kant se dokazao kao istaknut mislilac. Svoju slavu da bude i politički autor, veliki filozof a ujedno i značajan politički pisac on zahvaljuje jednom tekstu koji obuhvata otprilike deset procenata prve Kritike, raspravi Večni mir, objavljenoj na Miholjdanski vašar (29. septembra 1795). Neznatan obim ne govori protiv filozofske težine. Naprotiv, u jezgrovitoj kratkoći na videlo izlazi visoka virtuoznost.
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Za početak bismo mogli jednostavno reći da je prijevod Habermasovog Ogleda o ustavu Evrope izvan svake sumnje važan prilog pravnoj, politološkoj, sociološkoj i filozofskoj literaturi na našem jeziku. I premda je ova uobičajena (vanjska i uglavnom plakativna) kvalifikacija važnosti nekog spisa česta u javnoj upotrebi, u slučaju ovog autora i ovog prijevoda ta kvalifikacija je doista tačna. Jer, značaj ovog spisa i prijevoda ne leži naprosto u općepoznatom autoritetu Jürgena Habermasa koji, kao što znamo, u svom teorijskom i javnom angažmanu posljednjih decenija na svjetskoj sceni uživa status jedne od vodećih filozofskih figura, nego i u činjenici da se – između ostalog, na pretpostavkama njegovog filozofskog koncepta komunikacijskog djelovanja, komunikacijskog uma i diskursne etike (koji je izgrađen na kapitalu filozofske moderne, a koji u suštini predstavlja apologiju “umnog sadržaja moderne”), Habermas najneposrednije bavi živim i kompleksnim problemima pravno-političkog ustrojstva i aporijama Evrope u uvjetima neo-liberalnog kapitalizma i ujedno ispituje i promišlja uvjete i mogućnosti transformacije evropskog svijeta u smislu (nedovršenog i problemima bremenitog) nacrta evropskog ujedinjenja i njegove pravno-političke i ustavne institucionalizacije. Ta njegova nastojanja u ovoj knjizi između ostalog sažeto izražava i formulacija u kojoj se kaže da se – na pozadini “krize Evropske unije u svjetlu konstitucionalizacije međunarodnog prava”, odnosno na pozadini pitanja: “Zbog čega je Evropa tek danas ustavni projekt“ – ovdje radi o tome da “priča o civilizacijskoj snazi demokratskog uobličavanja prava izvan nacionalnih granica dobija svoj poticaj iz paralizirane konstelacije svjetske politike koja se danas ogleda, prije svega, u izrastanju finansijskih tržišta koja ostaju izvan dometa čak i najmoćnijih nacionalnih država. U aktuelnoj krizi, čini se da one ne nude primamljivu opciju državnog jamstva javnog blagostanja. U ovakvoj situaciji pokušaj evropskih država da putem nadnacionalnog uobličavanja zajednice povrate dio političke sposobnosti da sama sobom upravljaju, izlazi iz okvira uobičajenog samopotvrđivanja. Otud i naracija koju sam predložio za evropsko ujedinjenje nalazi svoj nastavak u zamisli o politički uobličenoj svjetskoj zajednici”. A ovo “kozmopolitsko uvezivanje građana svijeta” Habermas prospektivno alternira evropskoj političkoj realnosti i odnosno realnosti sadašnje “državne zajednice Evropske unije” koja “dijeli sa današnjim državama partikularizam pomoću kojeg se političke zajednice u socijalnom prostoru razgraničavaju jedna od druge”. Nadilaženja ili transformaciju tog stanja stvari Habermas vidi u “zamjeni perspektiva od klasičnog međunarodnog prava prema političkom ustavu svjetskog društva koji nije više čista misaona konstrukcija”.
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In this work I direct attention to the role and importance of pluriperspectivism in the thought of G. W. F. Hegel. For that purpose, I read (interpret) the allegory about the true as a bacchantic ecstasy, which can be found in his fundamental work Phenomenology of Spirit. Also, in the text I indicate the importance of pluriperspectivism, that is, point out and elaborate its essential characteristics: on the one hand, it allows and encourages the more unexclusive and more embracing approach to the reality while, on the other hand, it allows and encourages the growth and development of perspective, that is, the increase of the truthfulness of truth.
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Ono što Löwithovo filozofsko mišljenje izražava višestruko je. U filozofiji 20. stoljeća to je, čini nam se, bdio u sjeni drugih, značajnijih filozofskih ili društvenih pitanja. U sjeni je pitanja koje otvara filozofski diskurs modeme, koja liiteramokritički, esejistički, kritičko-estetički, filozofsko»antropološki, slavi samo pobjedu jednog principa, jedne logike. Tu logiku danas vidimo u vladavini principa subjektivnosti koja stiče svoju samosvijest u procesu subjektiviranja, potčinjavanja svega što se može potčiniti.
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This paper discusses late Schelling’s concept of experience and its significance regarding the relationship between thought and reality as presented in his Berlin lectures. The question is raised as to what extent his proposed transformation of the modern concept of experience is important for questioning the future of the contemporary philosophical discourse in the context of the “inaccessibility of experience,” as proposed by Benjamin and Agamben. The text argues that, instead of grounding the possibility of experience in the immanent or transcendental forms of subjectivity, the Schellingian alternative allows rethinking experience from the perspective of a radical future. By emphasizing the ontological dimension of experience, its inherent relationship with the question of freedom, and the problem of facticity of thinking itself, it becomes possible to place experience beyond the subject-object relation, immediacy, or sensory and objective cognition. This, it is also argued, allows us to reconsider the role of experience for metaphysics in the light of both post-Kantian and post-idealist forms of self-consciousness.
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