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W kontekście długookresowym członkostwo Polski w Unii Europejskiej wpłynęło pozytywnie na prawie wszystkie sfery polskiej gospodarki. Poprawie uległa również sytuacja polskich przedsiębiorstw. Warto jednak pamiętać, że na pełne podsumowanie skutków członkostwa jest zbyt wcześnie. Ponadto poszczególne efekty niekiedy trudno wyraźnie przypisać samemu przystąpieniu do UE, ponieważ gospodarka państwa zależy od bardzo wielu czynników – koniunktury na rynkach zagranicznych, stanu uregulowań prawnych w kraju, sytuacji na rynku pracy, struktury sektora przedsiębiorstw, czynników instytucjonalnych – w tym politycznych czy nawet geograficznych. Nie można również zapominać o dużym wpływie kryzysu na zmniejszenie oddziaływania niektórych czynników (spadek inwestycji, wzrost bezrobocia). Artykuł przedstawia m.in. kanały wpływu akcesji na sektor przedsiębiorstw, wpływ członkostwa Polski w UE na jakość otoczenia makroekonomicznego, wzrost wymiany handlowej, napływ bezpośrednich inwestycji zagranicznych, innowacyjność polskich przedsiębiorstw, oraz jest próbą bilansu tytułowego zagadnienia.
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Celem artykułu jest oszacowanie poziomu bezrobocia równowagi w Polsce w latach 1996–2012. W artykule została podjęta również próba zbadania wpływu odsetka bezrobotnych długookresowo oraz poziomu aktywności zawodowej na poziom bezrobocia równowagi. Szacunki bezrobocia równowagi zostały przeprowadzone zgodnie z modelem VAR. W analizach empirycznych zostały wykorzystane kwartalne dane publikowane przez GUS. Struktura opracowania jest następująca. W punkcie 1 przedstawiono rozważania teoretyczne dotyczące determinatów bezrobocia równowagi. Punkt 2 jest poświęcony analizie tendencji zmian stóp bezrobocia w Polsce. W punkcie 3 zostały przedstawione wyniki oszacowań bezrobocia równowagi w Polsce i w wybranych krajach UE. W punkcie tym podjęto również próbę zbadania wpływu poziomu aktywności zawodowej i odsetka bezrobotnych długookresowo na poziom bezrobocia równowagi. W zakończeniu zawarto wnioski z przeprowadzonych analiz.
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W niniejszym artykule zostanie przyjęta definicja oraz komponenty flexicurity zaproponowane przez Komisję Europejską. Wybór ten uzasadnia przede wszystkim fakt, iż przyczynkiem do powstania tego artykułu jest dekada członkostwa Polski, Litwy, Łotwy i Estonii w Unii Europejskiej i zasadne wydaje się przyjęcie perspektywy aprobowanej przez tę instytucję. Punktem odniesienia do dokonania oceny poziomu elastyczności polskiego, łotewskiego i estońskiego rynku pracy będą duńskie wskaźniki ochrony stosunku pracy.
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The phenomenon of irregular immigration in the EU constitutes a domain where the results emerging from social science research and the priorities driving current policy-making processes rarely coincide. The vulnerability of third-country nationals (TCNs) lacking a regular status of entry or stay (or both) (i.e. undocumented migrants) and the negative impact of certain irregular immigration policies on the access of undocumented TCNs to basic socio-economic (fundamental) rights have been repeatedly pointed out by academics and civil society organisations across Europe during the last few years. The Justice and Home Affairs Section ofthe Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) published a report entitled Undocumented Immigrants and Rights in the EU: Addressing the Gap between Social Science Research and Policy-making in the Stockholm Programme in December 2009, underlining ‘the policy gap’ between EU policies on irregular immigration and social science research funded by different directorates-general of the European Commission.
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Following the Second World War, work forces in more developed countries needed labour to reconstruct and further drive their economies, and to satisfy this demand, labour was increasingly imported from less developed countries, and the phenomenon of “labour migration” was thus born. For the receiving countries, this was a simple way to meet a transitional demand for labour, and for the sending countries – one of which was Turkey – it was a way of easing off population and unemployment pressures as well as an opportunity for generating hard foreign currency for the economy. The migrant workers were expected to provide financial support to their families left behind and to invest in their home countries (see Akgunduz, 2013:195).
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Turkey signed its first immigration and labour force exchange agreement with Germany in 1961, followed by similar agreements signed with the Netherlands, Belgium, Denmark, Austria, France and Sweden. Belgium has been one of the destinations for Turkish immigrants. According to the Turkish Embassy in Brussels a total of approximately 180,000 Turkish people live in Belgium (Turkish Embassy in Brussels, 2014). Similar to Germany, the Netherlands and France where a large volume of Turkish immigration was allowed, distinctive characteristics of Turkish immigration evident in Belgium. Turks arrived and settled in certain parts of Belgium due to family ties and networks. Half of Turkish people in Belgium live in the Dutchspeaking Flemish Region, 25 % in Brussels and 25% in the French-speaking Valloon Region (Kanmaz, 2003; Aydın and Manço, 2002).
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In Germany, the second-generation migrants’ share of the overall population is growing fast and, among them, those of Turkish origin represent the largest group. They are also the group with the lowest labour market outcomes, and this holds especially true for secondgeneration Turkish women. Of all the ethnic groups, their employment rate and hourly income are the lowest (Algan et al., 2010; Seibert, 2011), while their chances of attaining non-manual employment positions do not differ from those of native-born German women (Seibert, 2011). In addition, they have a higher risk of unemployment and being a housewife (Fincke 2009; Haug 2002), and they have the highest out of labour force rate (Luthra 2013). In comparison, other second-generation women in Germany of Iberian, Greek, or Yugoslavian origin, have less pronounced disadvantages (Heath et al. 2008). While the disadvantages of second-generation Turkish women have also been found for the Netherlands, Belgium, and Austria (Heath et al. 2008), nothing is known about the development of these disadvantages over the course of their employment careers.
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During the last three decades, the phenomenon of flexibility has attracted a great deal of attention in sociology, not only in relation to work flexibility but also flexibility of migration. In this respect, the structural changes in both employment relationships and migratory conditions have brought about new lifestyles. The theoretical debates in the field of migration studies and human capital have often concentrated on the (changing) roles of nation-states, transnational corporations, and recruitment agencies at the macro level. Sassen (1988; 1998) observed two critical social classes and their spatial polarization in transnational migration. People from low income groups are employed in low-skilled service jobs. In contrast, there are newly emerging high income segments employed in professions. This latter group are also the “young urban professionals” (yuppies) who tend to be portrayed as enjoying affluent lifestyles (Robinson, 2009).
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Immigrants, especially refugees are the first and easist disadvantage groups who are targeted the focus of prejudice and mostly discriminations. Besides the many others, the economy became the leading matter. The natives tend to think that they lost their jobs because of new comers who are also the reason of rising inflation, decreasing wages etc.
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Migration is the main of events that communities have mostly had from past to today. Many economic, social, cultural and politic reasons such as wars, natural disasters, climate conditions, earthquakes, unemployment, education are accelerant factors in national and international, massive or individual migration acts.
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The war in Syria is one of the worst humanitarian crisis of our time, with millions of people forced into refugee status in neighbouring countries. In addition, at least 470,000 Syrians have died in this conflict and Syria has lost 29.8 per cent of its HDI value in 2015 compared to 2010 (SCPR, 2016, p.17). As the immediate neighbour, Turkey has responded to this humanitarian crisis, declaring a temporary protection regime for Syrian asylum-seekers and setting up 26 camps where 267,000 people are currently staying. The country already struggles to cope with nearly 3 million Syrian refugees, and this number may rise further following the agreement to stop Syrian refugees from flooding into the EU.
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There is more than one definition for ‘migration’. Depending on how one handles the definition of the approach also changes. Reaching a consensus on a perfect definition of migration is almost impossible, since it has too many aspects to consider. In a very broad sense, migration can be defined as the process of the movement and the adaptation of people who move from one place to another for a set of reasons, including but not limited to fulfilling their needs, over a specific period of time (Brown & Moore, 1970). Whichever the definition of migration is taken into account, it is an event that changes almost everything both in the lives of migrating people and the people on the route. In a way, understanding the diachronic changes in history is achieved by looking at the migrations; people arriving at a place tend to change and cause some changes in the culture of the people that dwell in that place which creates a “Demographic Whirlwind” which can be both an opportunity or a threat (Morland, 2014, p. 8).
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The migration of young, well-educated Turkish academics from Germany to their parents’ home country has become a stronger focus for the integration debate in recent years. The problem appears particularly through the fact that structurally well integrated Turkish migrants of the second and third generation, who are multilingual and intercultural focused, leave Germany voluntarily and thus their work capacity is consequently lost in Germany. As motifs for migration, unfavorable chances of success in career are often mentioned, which are associated with a disadvantage and discrimination in employment and furthermore are accompanied by social exclusion mechanisms (Griese, & Sievers, 2010, Sezer, & Dağlar, 2009). Many of them do not feel being fully accepted in Germany and therefore they leave the country to move to Turkey, where they can expeditiously become successful in their careers using their professional qualifications acquired in Germany (Alkan, 2011). The migration can thus be interpreted as an averting from the German society as well as an evidence of a lack of integration and a failed integration policy, because despite the fact that these individuals were born and grew up in Germany and went through the German education system, they desire to leave the country (Aydın, 2012).
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Introduction The term globalization has been a main topic of political and academic debate since late 1980s. Broadly speaking, globalization refers to free movement of goods, service and people in an integrated manner; referred as coming all countries together. One of the main characteristics of globalization is the increase in migratory flows of people as a result of political, economic, or environmental causes as well as easier access to information, means of travel and communication.
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The effective governance of migration has become a key issue in contemporary politics, on both the national and international levels. While attempts have been made to lock down border zones – for example, in the Schengen area or the Mexico-U.S. border – the so-termed ‘migration crisis’ and summer of migration in 2015 has shown the permeability of borders, the agency of migrants, and the diversity of actors involved in the migration process more generally.
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Since 2015, over a million refugees have crossed into Europe. While small in comparison to other places, this number has had a tremendous impact on the policies governing Europe’s borders. This attention is in part owing to the growing nationalistic sentiments in Europe and anti-immigrant rhetoric. This piece is a critical look at the consequences of a shared asylum policy for refugees in Europe. Although asylum policy is widely reported to be rooted in humanitarian ideals, I argue that EU asylum policies expand systems of incarceration through heightened surveillance, detention and physical barriers to accessing asylum. In part one of this article, I look at how integration processes purposefully restrict asylum seekers to the periphery of the state. I then explicitly look at the resources available to asylum seekers and how lack of access to the labor market keeps asylum seekers to the margins of society. In part three I argue that this liminality is a tool used to facilitate the smooth deportation of unworthy asylum claimants. Using the case of integration in Austria and Germany, I explore how asylum seekers are kept to the margins, why they are marginalized and the larger implications of this marginalization in relation to the carceral state.
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