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Consisting of extremely violent and seemingly random events, the phenomenon of homicides is often considered a sign of social pathology and thus the spatial dimension that it can acquire through the various processes that lead to its territorial rooting is lost sight of. Our research is focused on discovering the geographical dimensions of this phenomenon within the Romanian rural spaces. The choice of the rural area is not accidental: between 2011 and 2020 more than 62.5% of homicides were recorded in this environment, which, according to the official statistics of the 2021 census, amounts to only 47.8% of the total population. Noticing the spatial differentiation of the phenomenon allows, on the one hand, to support the construction of public prevention policies, and on the other hand, it allows the initiation of a reflection on the efficiency of the geographical distribution of the means available to the institutions charged with the administration of various operational aspects related to homicides.
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The European Strategic Compass is a comprehensive approach developed by the European Union (EU) to guide the development and implementation of its defense and security policies. The Project was launched in 2020 as part of the EU efforts to enhance its military and civilian capabilities in order to face current and future security challenges. The Strategic Compass is designed to provide a strategic direction for the EU defense and security policies, taking into account the changing security environment, technological developments, and the need for collective action. It covers a wide range of issues, including military operations, crisis management, counterterrorism, cyber security, defense industry, and research and development. Europe is preparing to have a guided strategy that assesses risks and finds useful and timely solutions in such a way that the degree of security remains at high standards.
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Ni nakon više od dvije decenije u Srebrenici, ali manje-više i u svim povratničkim mjestima, ne samo da nije izrađen i primijenjen održivi model ekonomskog oporavka i razvoja već je ostao nerazjašnjen sam koncept postratni/genocidni ekonomskog oporavka. I pored zvanično promoviranog i izdašno donacijski podržanog procesa ekonomske obnove, na sceni su krajnje nepovoljna demografska, socijalna i ekonomska kretanja u ukupnom postratnom periodu. Naravno da se zbog toga otvaraju brojna pitanja ovakvog neuspjeha – od ponovnog preispitivanja samog pojma ekonomske obnove do niza „nenaučenih lekcija” iz dvadesetogodišnjeg procesa ekonomske obnove u ovoj općini.
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In recent years, regardless of the reported negative demographic changes in the structure of the population, there has been an increase in the size of the existing Roma ghettoized urban structures, which change, albeit unconsciously, the appearance of several cities and have a significant impact on their development. In the context of European territorial cohesion policies, the view is taken that European cities become places of tolerance and social progress, working towards social cohesion, balance, and integration. Based on a series of in-depth interviews conducted among representatives of the Roma community, educational mediators, non-governmental organizations, and representatives of local authorities in the cities of Lom, Kyustendil and Dobrich within the framework of a project on the topic: „Spatial models of Roma ghettoized urban structures in Bulgaria“. financed by the Scientific Research Fund at the Ministry of Education and Culture, an attempt will be made to answer the research question.
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The KPJ publicly advocated democracy, private property, a just solution to the social and national issues, and freedom and equality for all nations in Yugoslavia. Its leaders claimed that the goal of the partisan movement was liberation and popular democracy. However, contrary to the declared nationwide breadth of the People’s Liberation Movement, the KPJ held the army, the security apparatus, and the propaganda. The agreement between Josip Broz Tito and Ivan Šubašić that the citizens of Yugoslavia would be the ones to decide on the state system after the war was an important precondition for the international recognition of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia (Demokratska Federalna Jugoslavija, DFJ) by the Allied powers. But the monopoly over the partisan movement enabled the Communists to create the preconditions for imposing their dictatorship. Thus, the KPJ used the struggle for the liberation of Yugoslavia – in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina also for the overthrow of the NDH – and for resolving the national question to seize power and carry out the Communist revolution. It also meant abolishing all other parties and introducing a dictatorship. Part of the HSS leadership and its president Vladko Maček fled the country just before the partisans arrived in Zagreb in 1945. The HSS operated abroad under Maček’s leadership until his death in 1964 in the United States, when he was replaced by the party’s vice president, Juraj Krnjević. August Košutić, the party’s secretary, remained in the country, where after trying to cooperate with the Communists and join the partisans he was interned and completely marginalized by the new government. In addition to the HSS, there were individuals, parties, and organizations from the Ustasha movement who were politically active in exile, including Ante Pavelić, who died in 1959 in Spain of wounds obtained in an assassination attempt.
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