Author(s): Milan Lipovac,Ivan R. Dimitrijević / Language(s): Serbian
Issue: 4/2015
The concept of national interest is one of the central notions of the Realist approach in International Relations theory and Security Studies. The intellectual origin of the concept can be traced back to ancient Greek and Roman philosophers, but is commonly reffered to medieval Italian theorist and political adviser Niccolo Machiavelli. Some of the most prominent 20th century theorists positioning national interest at the core of international relations are Hans Morgenthau, George F. Kennan, Henry Kissinger, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Kenneth Waltz, Robert Gilpin, Alexander L. George, Robert O. Keohane, Alexander Wendt, some of them with extensive experience in the U.S. political decision-making process. National interest researchers presume that this concept could be used in at least two ways. Firstly, as a means of political action when political decision-makers tend to “give” their decisions and actions a legitimacy, highlight their importance and place them on the top of the political agenda. It could also be used as a means of political analysis, namely as analytical concept. This distinction was introduced by James Rosenau, and was later elaborated by Scott Burchill, who pointed out its rethorical function. The analytical potential of national interest, namely the examination of its cognitive possibilities is the central theme of the paper. For the purpose of establishing this potential, authors have chosen to analyse two existing methodological approaches. Model developed by Joseph Frankel and matrix by Donald E. Nuechterlein represent some of the most commonly used models for the study of national interests of great powers in relation to the events of vital importance to those powers. Frankel proposed a classification of the national interest through dividing its use into three categories: aspirational, operational, and explanatory, and then he set out the first order dimensions of the national interests: contextual, salience, and scope. He also introduced the second order dimensions which have to shape the first order ones: space, time, and vital interests. Nuechterlein, on the other hand, had the less complex approach. He provided a simple definition of national interest, and gave two criteria for its division. The first one identified four basic interests that motivate states: defence, economic, world order, and ideological interests. The second one defined its intensity: survival, vital, major, and peripheral. He also provided a set of eight value factors for easier determination whether the examined interest is vital or it is not: proximity of the danger, nature of the threat, economic stake, sentimental attachment, type of government, effect on balance of power, national prestige, attitude of allies and friends. These methodologies are critically examined in the paper, and discussed from the perspective of small states’ application. The paper considers the possibilities of adaptation of these models for the purpose of analysis of national interest of the Republic of Serbia as an example of a small state. It also provides recommended sources of data for application of these adapted models, such as the National Security Strategy as the key document containing and declaring national interests; exposés of Prime minister-designates as the statements of strategic orientations of elected governments towards the national and international issues; official statements coming from relevant political decision-makers on foreign and security policy issues.
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