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BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA NA PUTU KA NEZAVISNOSTI: PRAVNI IZAZOVI I ISKUŠENJA (1991‒1992)

Author(s): Sead Bandžović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Ever since Tito’s death in 1980, the socialist Yugoslavia was going through difficult political, economic, and social temptations, involving ample domestic and international actors, along with the accompanying consequences of the era change of on a global level. The Yugoslav state crisis should be observed in a broader context which will provide a more complete answer. The remaining two fundamental pillars of the Yugoslav federation – Yugoslav Communist Party (SKJ) and Yugoslav National Army (JNA) ‒ were undermined in early 90’. The then republics’ elites, guided by partial interests, mutually confronted to one another, were not ready to adequately face the challenges of democratization that captured the Eastern euripi following the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. The Yugoslav republics took numerous legal steps towards strengthening their own sovereignty. The crisis culminated in 1991 with the separation of Slovenia and Croatia from Yugoslavia, and the armed conflicts that followed. Confronted with the new legal and political surrounding, Bosnia and Herzegovina also began with the revival of its independence. This path proved to be extremely difficult and challenging, mainly due to the revived great-Serbian and great-Croatian attempts to divide Bosnia and Herzegovina, particularly expressed in 1991 during the negotiations between Slobodan Milošević, president of Serbia, and Franjo Tuđman, president of Croatia. In early days, these plans, with a strong support of regime affiliated media from Belgrade and Zagreb, manifested in form of numerous obstructions in the operation of the highest authorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina, promotion of a thesis that Bosnia and Herzegovina cannot survive as an independent political entity, establishment of illegal Serb communities of municipalities and regions, and then Serb Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Croat ones in form of regional communities, whereby the most significant one was Herzeg Bosnia. In such complex circumstances, and in line with the recommendations of the Badinter’s Commission, referendum on independence was organized in 1992, when the citizens firmly voted in favor of independent Bosnia and Herzegovina. European Community recognized Bosnia and Herzegovina on 6th of April, while the USA did it on the following day. In conditions of aggression and four year long war destruction, a new chapter in legal and state development of Bosnia and Herzegovina began.

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ULOGA MEĐUNARODNE ZAJEDNICE U KONTEKSTU AGRESIJE NA REPUBLIKU BOSNU I HERCEGOVINU

Author(s): Alija Kožljak / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

International community has, on its own will, taken the responsibility to resolve the situation in the then Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia, following its dissolution. This has particularly applied to the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was threatened by an open aggression, even disappearance. To that end, ample peace plans were designed, and to a large extent based on ethnic divisions, which suggested intentions of the international community in relation to Bosnia and Herzegovina. Lack of a good will and unity aimed at prevention of aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina, including the prevention of mass crimes against its citizens, including the crime of genocide, as well as failure to prevent the destruction of state owned infrastructure, silent approval of the several years long siege of the capital, clearly speaks about the attitude on the part of international actors towards the aggressors and innocent victims, particularly the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Lack of condemnation of the aggression, and permanent attempts to equalize the victims and aggressors serve as a direct confirmation that the initial attitude towards Bosnia and Herzegovina did not significantly change, although the circumstances to a large extent did. Current development of the situation on a global plan affects the changes in the perception of threat, including the relevance of the Western Balkans, and more specifically Bosnia and Herzegovina, which now suggests the new discourse of the West (EU and NATO Member States) in relation to Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper is structured in five chapters: Dissolution of SFRY and international recognition of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina; Quest for a peace solution in Bosnia and Herzegovina; Intensification of the international community engagement; Final NATO operation and peace establishment; Post-war reaction of the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Final considerations. The study is based on the qualitative analysis of documents and critical analysis of activities and actions of the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period 1991-2022.

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Das Frauen - und Kinderkonzentrationslager Loborgrad in Kroatien (1941-1942)

Author(s): Carl Bethke / Language(s): German Publication Year: 0

The study focuses on the concentration camp Loborgrad for women and children in Northwest-Croatia from the time of its erection in October 1941, till the deportation of nearly all of its internees to Auschwitz in August 1942. Its about 1500 mostly Jewish prisoners came from Bosnia (Sarajevo) and Nor-thern Croatia, apart from them were some Jewish refugees, among these many from Vienna, plus approximately 200 Serbian women. Before the deportations the latter were sent to Serbia or to Germany in order to perform forced labor. Apparently the camp was under the supervision of the ”Jews Department” of the Ustaša police, however the commander in chief Karlo Heger and the gu-ards belonged to the ethnic German group. Physical abuses are reported from the camp, during epidemics in 1941/42 up to 200 inmates died.

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Lišavanje slobode i prisilni rad u hrvatskom/jugosla-venskom zakonodavstvu 1945.–1951.

Author(s): Vladimir Geiger / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Restrictions to freedom and forced labour in the Croatian, that is Yugoslavian, legal system following the Second World War, during the period of “National Democracy,” was determined by a series of decrees, resolutions, and laws. From 1945 to 1951, the Yugoslavian penal code recognized four types of non-free labour: forced labour without the removal of personal freedom, forced labour with restrictions to personal freedom, corrective work and socially useful work. This article, on the basis of sources, literature, and above all the most important decrees, resolutions, and laws applied in Croatia, and elsewhere in Yugoslavia, during the period of “National Democracy”, from 1945-1951, reviews the matter of state repression and the question of the restrictions to freedoms and forced labour in the penal code.

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Neke forme prinudnog rada u Srbiji 1944–1950

Author(s): Nataša Milićević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Forced labour in Serbia, in the first postwar years, appeared in specific situations and affected various social groups, and it was carried out in the conditions of revolutionary political change. During the time of liberation and immediately afterward “mobilization” appeared as a specific form of required labour, while in the later period work referred to as “required service” or “required work” received special significance. Failure to comply with these orders carried sanctions in terms or criminal or administrative penalties. Specific social categories, the war prisoners and Volksdeutsche (ethnic Germans), who li-ved in camps were employed as forced labour and their freedom was restricted as a whole; other social categories were required to work through judgments of the courts and these sentences could be applied in jails or in freedom; a third type of required labour, which affected groups such as pensioners, occurred due to a lack experts, requiring them to accept various jobs in order to maintain their pensions. Regardless of the type of category, forced labour was in fact mobilized free labour, which was employed in numerous construction sites, mines, or other objects in fulfillment of the first Five Year Plan.

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Prinudni rad folksdojčera u Vojvodini 1944–1950.

Author(s): Zoran Janjetović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Forced labour for the Germans of Vojvodina was introduced in the first days after the new government was established. It was an expression of the necessity of making up shortages in the supply of labour as it was also seen as a punishment for the German minority’s support for the Axis powers during the Second World War and the participation of some of its members in war crimes. Some people were marched under armed guard to work in forests, fields, vineyards, the clearing of rubble, the construction or repair of buildings, roads, railways, and bridges, while some people were concentrated in special camps from which they were taken to work every day. The organization of work camps overlaps with the period of martial law, while the whole process took shape in stages, in an attempt to concentrate labour supply, preserve Ger-man property, open areas for the settlement of colonists and others. Conditions in the camps were inadequate in terms of supporting and maintaining the ability of inmates to perform work, and there was a lack of any motivation to improve them. In the autumn of 1947 it became clear that the policy toward the German minority was changing, and in the spring of 1948 the Communist authorities began to dismantle the camps. Because of these types of conditions and the fact that in the first years following the dismantling of the camps their work in large measure retained the qualities of forced labour, a large majority of Volksdeutsche decided to emigrate from Yugoslavia when this became a legal possibility. Their work, instead of contributing to the development of their homeland, contributed to the West German “economic miracle.”

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Položaj političkih osuđenika u zatvorima Srbije 1945–1985.

Author(s): Srđan Cvetković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The work follows the evolution of the position of political convicts in Serbia in post-war period. Shortly after the end of the war, the position of political convicts was extremely bad and the prisoners were often subject to brutal torture. Prison conditions underwent gradual evolution in the period between 1953 and 1985, so that since the beginning of 50s, and especially during 60s and 70s, they grew better and better. Still, their improvement was limited by material as well as political and ideological factors and remained behind the standards of the west democracies.

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Suvremena iskustva i rezultati suodnosa hrvatske i srbijanske historiografije (Dijalog povjesničara / istoričara)

Author(s): Igor Graovac / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

After the collapse of the second Yugoslavia all the official bonds that Croatian historiography had with other former Yugoslav historiographies were broken. Still, the cooperation among historians was soon renewed, especially between Croatian and Serbian historians through participation on the international scholarly conferences called Dijalog povjesničara / istoričara (Dialogue among historians) organized by Foundation Friedrich Naumann. During eight years (1998-2005) the foundation organized 10 conferences, and published the conference proceedings. These conferences managed to gather 165 participants (from twelve different countries), who delivered their papers and worked in the form of workgroups. The most important part of these conferences is the fact that they were organized without any political influence, though many participants emphasized idea of international and internal reconciliation project. However, this reconciliation does not include political reconciliation but only reconciliation with the past. Throughout the years, these conferences showed that historians from both countries can cooperate and exchange ideas without any significant problem but only in the framework of a scholarly dialogue.

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Bosna i Hercegovina u Kraljevstvu Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, s posebnim osvrtom na stanje u Hercegovini (1918.–1921.)

Author(s): Ivica Lučić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

With the outbreak of the war and the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy Bosnia and Hercegovina became a centre of “national concentration” and the newly proclaimed state. The government of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes was taken over by the Serbian political elite which ascribed to Bosnia and Hercegovina the role of a unified area which would prevent the creation of any kind of Croatian state while strengthening the newly created state and the Serbian dominance within it. The new government established its authority through terror and violence directed against the non-Serbian peoples. It attempted to undermine every political action or publicly expressed demand of the Croats for a federal unit, or an independent state. Mu-slims saw their land confiscated through the Agrarian Reform, which while in part brought to an end feudal relations and corrected historical injustices, also materially ruined numerous families. In harmony with Serbian political tradition the Constitution and other agreements merely acted as “manifestations” to appease “European public opinion.” The interests of other (non-Serbian) peoples were treated as illegitimate or anti-state activities: nationalism and separatism. Various repressive measures were directed at individuals deemed to be the carriers of these interests. Territories in the new state toward which the government lacked sympathy for national or political reasons and which did not figure into particular plans for unitarism were systematically destroyed and neglected. The key argument for unitarism and centralization was a call to the rights and “decisiveness” of the Serbian people, which was intermixed among the others to bring them to “belong to Serbia.” In this spirit the Vidovdan Constitution was brought into being which eliminated historical rights and historical lands, and created the basis for further unitarism and centralization of the state, but likewise strong reasons for dissatisfaction and resistance. States are determined by the nature of their formation. The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes came into existence due to historical circumstances as an intellectual creation and not the result of national development. Primarily, violence was used to impose “unity” and centralized government.

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Knezovi Blagajski i tvrdi grad Blagaj nakon osnutka Jajačke banovine 1464. godine

Author(s): Hrvoje Kekez / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The Blagaj castle is situated near the mouth of the River Japra into the River Sana, close to the most important medieval road through the valley of the River Una and leading from the Eastern Adriatic coast to the Pannonian basin. During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the castle of Blagaj was the residence of Counts of Blagaj, the descendants of the earlier Babonić counts. While the collapse of the medieval Kingdom of Bosnia in 1463 foreshadowed Ottoman raids into the Sana valley, it was the foundation of Banate of Jajce that put an end to Ottoman raids for a couple of decades. Nevertheless, historical documents sporadically indicate constant threat of Ottoman raids around the turn of the sixteenth century. This is even more clearly depicted by the remains of the castle of Blagaj that show abundant construction work conducted during the anti-Ottoman defensive wars. In this essay, the author contextualizes the known information about the Ottoman attacks in the Sana valley and the importance and the role of the Blagaj castle in the anti-Ottoman defence system of the castles. Although these buildings are today in poor condition, the ruins of the Blagaj castle indicate a major extension of the castle’s fortification system built after 1503, and the beginning of the deconstruction of the defensive system of Banate of Jajce. A special attention is given to the establishnig of the final Christian (i.e. Croatian) desertion of the Blagaj castle during the 1540s.

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«SVJETSKI RAT I HRVATI», DR. FRANJO TUĐMAN O PILAROVU PROMIŠLJANJU HRVATSKE POLITIKE U UVJETIMA PRVOGA SVJETSKOG RATA (1915.)

Author(s): Zlatko Matijević / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Ivo Pilar, Ph. D., (1874-1933), attorney-at-law, completed his brochure The World War and the Croats (Svjetski rat i Hrvati) in March 1915. It was published in Zagreb that same year. Knowing that the authorities of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy would not be pleased with some of his theses, Pilar published the brochure under the pseudonym Dr. Juričić. The author’s fears of a possible negative reaction to his geopolitical ideas were not ungrounded, since the state’s censor abridged Pilar’s original text thoroughly before he allowed it to be published. The second edition of Pilar’s brochure, containing many sentences that had been censored out of the first edition, most of them pertaining to the Central Forces’ unfaithful ally Italy, was published two years later. In his analysis of the political situation at the beginning of World War I, Pilar concluded that the times were fateful for the Croatian people, since the outcome of the war was going to decide with which country the Croatian territories would side in the long run. Tuđman felt that Pilar’s views were a reflection of the ideas of all the factions in Croatian politics that sought to solve the Croatian national question within the confines of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and within the Central European geopolitical territory. Even though Pilar’s basic hypothesis had proved wrong (he assumed Germany and Austro-Hungarian Monarchy would win World War I), some of his ideas, particularly the ideas about the geopolitical position of Croatian territories and their historical fate, still hold their original value.

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DR. FRANJO TUĐMAN O USTROJSTVU I DJELOVANJU REPRESIVNOG SUSTAVA REŽIMA MONARHISTIČKE JUGOSLAVIJE NA PODRUČJU HRVATSKE (1918.-1941.)

Author(s): Zdravko Dizdar / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

As a historian, Franjo Tuđman arrived to important conclusions about the relations between Croats and Serbs and the internal and external causes of the situation and the crisis in the country that was ultimately going to cause its breakdown in his research of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/ Yugoslavia in the period between 1918 and 1941, and in his research of Croatia’s position therein. Analyzing archive sources and other materials, along with relevant literature, Tuđman looked into the organization and the actions of the repressive system of monarchist Yugoslavia’s regime in Croatian territory and their dealings with the Croatian people. He recognized the basic elements of Serbian hegemony in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/ Yugoslavia, the Vidovdan centralist regime and the struggle to preserve it at all costs, proving that it would all have been impossible without the principal exponents – the king, the army, the gendarmerie, the police, the state administration, the judiciary, the government, and the political parties. Tuđman proved how King Alexander Karađorđević, supported by his loyal army and gendarmerie, established himself as the top authority in the country since the very beginning in 1918, and how Serbian political and ruling elite gathered around his court and him personally. The constitution gave him authority over the parliament, which he made full use of in the practice, and the parliament held a subordinate role for the entire time. This role of the king and his courtiers would remain unchanged until the end of monarchist Yugoslavia. The army with the king at its helm was, in Tuđman’s opinion, the second most important factor. From the very beginning the army had been built as the principal instrument of Great-Serbian hegemonist and counter-national politics and of Serbian hegemony, fully living up to the role in reality, preserving the monarchy and its centralist and hegemonist system, and serving as an active factor of the state politics until its breakdown in 1941. The army was a tool in the hands of the court that was used as counterweight to parliamentalism and the strivings of political parties to run state politics. Considering the significance of the army for the ruling structure, the expenditures for the army remained at a very high level continually, often having a considerable negative impact on the development of the economy in non-Serbian territories.

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POGLEDI FRANJE TUĐMANA DO 1971. GODINE O RADNIČKOM POKRETU U HRVATSKOJ, KPH/SKH (KPJ/SKJ), NOP-U/NOR-U, KOMUNIZMU I SOCIJALIZMU (Kratki pregled)

Author(s): Petar Strčić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Franjo Tuđman, an academician, Ph. D., and the first president of the Republic of Croatia, published his first text in Belgrade in 1952, a publicist article about a current military topic that he published as an officer of the Yugoslav National Army (JNA). He published his first article about the subject matter of this paper, history, in 1954 in Krapina. It was another publicist article about his home region of Hrvatsko zagorje in the People’s Liberation Struggle, in which he had been an active participant as a member of the Communist Party of Croatia and the League of Communists of Yugoslavia. His writing was politically intoned in the customary post-Stalinist register. He wrote his first works of historiographical value after he was moved to the study department of the Supreme Command in Belgrade in 1957, and his works after 1961 were written outside of the confines of the Army at the Institute for the History of the Workers’ Movement in Croatia, whose co-founder and first director Tuđman had been. Addressing the topics that are the subject matter of this paper, he developed into a distinguished scientist (Europe), holder of a Ph. D. (Zadar), and an associate university professor (Zagreb). In addition, at the Institute he influenced the professional development of a number of other distinguished Croatian historiographers who researched this and other subjects. He strove to adhere to the globally recognized scientific and professional standards of the time, set forth in Croatia by Jaroslav Šidak: he based his writings on sources and on critical contemplation of literature (both Yugoslav and foreign), and he made his own historiographically useful scientific and professional judgments and assessments. The antifascist and supernational ideas are prevalent in his work, but the Croatian national idea also gains importance as time passes by. His writings have held their value, but have for the most part been (unjustly) neglected in comparison with other writings he produced after the 1970s, when he, expelled from the League of Communists of Croatia and the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, removed from the position of the director of the Institute, and no longer allowed to teach, functioning as a prisoner and active politician, supplemented his old writings about this subject with new, mostly publicist values characterized by prominent Croatian national spirit in the contemporary anti-communist and anti-Yugoslav political standing. Still, his overall contribution to this subject is positive, and he also provided very vigorous impetus to his critics and followers, including scientists and experts, regardless whether their views about his work were positive or negative. Some of them made their own new contributions to historiography and publicist writing by defending or rejecting his theses and results, sometimes even unwittingly. These solid results about this subject would be nonexistent without Franjo Tuđman.

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CROATIA IN THE “SPRING OF THE NATIONS”

Author(s): Vlasta Švoger / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The unstable economic situation with frequent financial crises in developed European countries, years of crop failure, and famine among the lower classes, a widespread dissatisfaction with the political situation, the strengthening of national movements, and the spread of liberal ideas created fertile ground for a new wave of unrests in Europe. The first revolutionary sparks ignited in January 1848 in Palermo, and in February in Paris. In the following weeks, they escalated into a revolutionary fire that engulfed much of Europe. The revolutionary turmoil was especially strong in France, the German and Italian lands, and in the Austrian Empire. Different social strata took part in the revolutionary movements, and their core consisted of the citizenry, craftsmen and merchants, workers and peasants, students, and in some places the nobility (for example, the petty and middle nobility in Hungary). Therefore, their goals were also different. Nevertheless, in most countries the main goals of revolutionary movements imbued with liberal and national spirit were the enactment of a constitution (except in France, which had one), i.e. the establishment of a constitutional monarchy, electoral reforms, expansion of the suffrage, abolition of the feudal order (in the countries east of the Elbe, which still had it), introduction of civil rights and freedoms, and creation of unified nation-states.

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WORLD WAR I

Author(s): Stjepan Matković / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Early in May 1914, when official news about Archduke Francis Ferdinand’s military manoeuvres in Bosnia appeared in the Croatian newspapers, no one could have guessed that the tragedy of World War I was imminent. Although tensions between Austria-Hungary and the Kingdom of Serbia had been growing since the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Balkan turmoil, few were predicting an escalation of the conflict in a domino effect. Assassination of the Crown Prince and his wife Sofia on June 28, 1914, in the capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina, led to the outbreak of a war in which the political map of Europe would be redrawn. The struggle for European supremacy between two blocs of states brought to the fore major military and foreign policy is-sues, in which smaller nations without their independent states had to demonstrate their ability to survive. In Croatia, the political public unanimously condemned the terrorist act of the Yugoslav revolutionaries gathered in the organization Young Bosnia (Mlada Bosna). It was committed on Vidovdan, a significant religious holiday for the Eastern Orthodox Serbs commemorating the notorious defeat of medieval Serbia in a conflict with the Ottoman Empire in Kosovo and symbolizing hope in revenge. Further developments were expected, in which the Croats could not play a significant role due to the underrepresentation of the Croatian elite in the leading positions in Austro-Hungarian key institutions: the governments of both countries, various ministries from foreign affairs to public finances, and the army.

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HUMAN LOSSES DURING WORLD WAR II

Author(s): Marica Karakas Obradov,Martina Grahek Ravančić,Vladimir Geiger,Zdenko Radelić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The duration and intensity of warfare in Yugoslavia and the Independent State of Croatia, the presence of significant occupation forces of the German Reich, Italy, and Hungary, and the activities of NDH Army, the Yugoslav Army in the Homeland (the Chetniks), and the People’s Liberation Army and the Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia / Yugoslav Army resulted in direct conflicts between the warring parties, which led to severe human losses among the soldiers and civilians alike. The irreconcilable ideologies and political and military interests in the armed conflict and the civil war multiplied the casulaties.

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Ivo Politeo i politička kultura mišljenja

Author(s): Nada Kisić Kolanović / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The opus of the lawyer Ivo Politeo (1887-1956), rich as it is encompasses a wide intellectual and chronological framework. This research text provides an arena to consider Politeo’s reactions to the unbridled encroachment of the state into the autonomous civil sphere in the historical context of Monarchist and Communist Yugoslavia. For Politeo’s understanding of political power in the epoch of Monarchist Yugoslavia (from 1920 to 1941) his cooperative efforts with the journal Nova Evropa [New Europe], a subject that has not been written about at all, is particularly important. Nova Evropa appeared on Zagreb’s intellectual horizon in 1920, covering such fields as politics, litera-ture, contemporary history, law and anthropology. The range of criticism of Yugoslavia’s pseudo-Parliamentarianism offered by Politeo and the intellectual circle around Nova Evropa is well-illustrated by the document known by the title “the Zagreb Memorandum’’ which came to be on 4 and 5 November 1934 wherein it was requested of the Regency to restore civil freedoms to the people. The other major current of Politeo’s discourse during the 1920s and 1930s was directed at concrete legal practice in the domain of the extraordinary Yugoslav laws which incriminated politically penalized acts. These laws were the core of the instrumental violence of the state apparatus and the spread of the web of the police. In his homeland Politeo is above all known as a defense lawyer for people of quite varying ideological orientations and as the author of the book Politički delikt (1921) in which he rejects the notion of mixed political offenses because “there are no pure of mixed absolute or relative political offenses but rather only ‘political offenses’ whose motive and purpose is political’’.

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Státy východní dimenze Evropské politiky sousedství v české zahraniční politice

Author(s): Petra Cibulková / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

České předsednictví Rady Evropské unie (EU) v první polovině roku 2009 a zahájení Východního partnerství jako jedné z jeho hlavních priorit zvýšily pozornost, kterou česká zahraniční politika do té doby věnovala zemím východní Evropy.1 Po skončení předsednictví EU a v souvislosti s vnitropolitickou situací (pádem vlády a přípravou parlamentních voleb původně plánovaných na podzim 2009) zahraničněpolitická témata výrazně ustoupila do pozadí. Vývoj české zahraniční politiky a bilaterálních vztahů se zeměmi východní dimenze Evropské politiky sousedství (ENP) ve druhé polovině roku 2009 nicméně naznačoval, že tento region si své místo mezi českými prioritami zachová. Rok 2010, včetně nových koncepčních dokumentů relevantních pro zahraniční politiku ČR, ukazují, že Česká republika považuje projekt Východního partnerství a posílení vztahů s jeho účastnickými zeměmi za důležitou součást nejen své, ale i evropské „východní politiky“.

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Blízký východ, Středomoří a Afghánistán v české zahraniční politice

Author(s): Jaroslav Bureš,Marek Čejka / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Česká zahraniční politika a její vztah k Blízkému východu nebyla v roce 2010 zdaleka tak sledována jako v roce předchozím. Pokles zájmu je celkem pochopitelný, neboť v první polovině roku 2009 probíhalo české předsednictví, které se překrývalo s tak závažnými událostmi, jako byla izraelská intervence do pásma Gazy (operace „Lité olovo“). To platí jak pro pozornost vůči zahraniční politice z pohledu vnitřního, tak i vnějšího, hlavně EU. Přesto lze říct, že zájem Fischerovy vlády byl mnohem větší než v případě následné Nečasovy vlády rozpočtové zodpovědnosti.

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Subsaharská Afrika v české zahraniční politice

Author(s): Ondřej Horký / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Loňské vydání této řady analýz afrického rozměru české zahraniční politiky označilo předchozí rok za „nejrušnější od roku 1993“ v historii vzájemných vztahů se subsaharskou Afrikou. Rok 2009 také označilo za „nadějný“ z hlediska naplňování koncepce Příprava strategické debaty o přístupu ČR k Africe. Zároveň ale bylo v kapitole zdůrazněno, že přes mimořádnost předsednictví v Radě Evropské unie zůstává subsaharská Afrika i nadále na okraji české politické scény: „Může se totiž stát, že postupný proces evropeizace zahraničněpolitické agendy povede v rámci dělby práce k dalšímu posílení východního a jihovýchodního rozměru české zahraniční politiky na úkor vztahů se subsaharskou Afrikou.“ Rok 2010 tento trend potvrdil.

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